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(become greater than)

  • 1 outstrip

    past tense, past participle - outstripped; verb
    (to go much faster than: He outstripped the other runners.) dejar atrás, adelantar, correr más rápido que
    tr[aʊt'strɪp]
    1 (run faster than) correr más rápido que, dejar atrás
    2 (become greater than) sobrepasar
    outstrip [.aʊt'strɪp] vt, - stripped or - stript [-'strɪpt] ; - stripping
    1) : aventajar, dejar atrás
    he outstripped the other runners: aventajó a los otros corredores
    2) surpass: aventajar, sobrepasar
    v.
    • aventajar v.
    • dejar atrás v.
    • rezagar v.
    'aʊt'strɪp

    to outstrip a runner — tomarle la delantera a or aventajar a un corredor

    b) ( exceed) sobrepasar
    [aʊt'strɪp]
    VT dejar atrás, aventajar; (fig) aventajar, adelantarse a
    * * *
    ['aʊt'strɪp]

    to outstrip a runner — tomarle la delantera a or aventajar a un corredor

    b) ( exceed) sobrepasar

    English-spanish dictionary > outstrip

  • 2 mayor

    meə, ]( American) 'meiər
    ((especially in England, Ireland and the United States) the chief public official of a city, town or borough.) alcalde
    - lord mayor
    mayor n alcalde / alcaldesa


    mayor adjetivo 1
    ◊ grande) ‹número/porcentaje› greater, higher;
    ‹ beneficio› greater; a mayor escala on a larger scale; un número mayor que 40 a number greater than 40
    ◊ grande): el mayor número de accidentes the greatest o highest number of accidents;
    su mayor preocupación her greatest o biggest worry; a la mayor brevedad posible as soon as possible; la mayor parte de los estudiantes most students, the majority of students 2 ( en edad) mayor que algn older than sb
    ◊ es la mayor de las dos she is the older o elder of the two;
    mi hijo mayor my eldest o oldest son
    d) ( adulto):
    cuando sea mayor when I grow up; ser mayor de edad (Der) to be of age; soy mayor de edad y haré lo que quiera I'm over 18 (o 21 etc) and I'll do as I please 3 ( en nombres) ( principal) main; 4 (Mús) major 5 (Com): ■ sustantivo masculino y femenino ( adulto) adult, grown-up (colloq); mis/tus mayores my/your elders; mayor de edad person who is legally of age
    mayor
    I adjetivo
    1 (comparativo de tamaño) larger, bigger: necesitas una talla mayor, you need a larger size (superlativo) largest, biggest: ésa es la mayor, that is the biggest one
    2 (comparativo de grado) greater: su capacidad es mayor que la mía, his capacity is greater than mine
    la ciudad no tiene mayor atractivo, the town isn't particularly appealing (superlativo) greatest: ésa es la mayor tontería que he oído nunca, that is the most absurd thing I've ever heard
    3 (comparativo de edad) older: es mayor que tu madre, she is older than your mother (superlativo) oldest
    el mayor de los tres, the oldest one 4 está muy mayor, (crecido, maduro) he's quite grown-up (anciano) he looks old
    ser mayor de edad, to be of age (maduro) old: es un hombre mayor, he's an old man
    eres mayor para entenderlo, you are old enough to understand it
    5 (principal) major, main: tu mayor responsabilidad es su educación, the thing that's most important to you is her education; la calle mayor, the main street
    6 Mús major
    7 Com al por mayor, wholesale
    II sustantivo masculino
    1 Mil major 2 mayores, (adultos) grownups, adults (ancianos) elders Locuciones: al por mayor, wholesale
    ir/pasar a mayores, to become serious: discutió con su marido, pero el asunto no pasó a mayores, she had an argument with her husband but they soon forgot about it ' mayor' also found in these entries: Spanish: abundar - adicta - adicto - afán - alcalde - alcaldía - almacén - amable - brevedad - burgomaestre - calle - caza - colegio - confluencia - desarrollar - edad - engrandecer - escaparate - estado - Excemo. - Excmo. - fuerza - gruesa - grueso - hacer - hacerse - inri - obra - osa - palo - persona - plana - polemizar - predilección - re - safari - salir - sol - teniente - vender - venta - abuelo - ama - anhelo - atractivo - audiencia - cazar - ciudad - compás - de English: act - address - adult - big - bomb - bulk - capacity - cash-and-carry - claw back - densely - dipper - dormitory - elaborate - elder - eldest - few - frisky - grow up - growing - high street - hill - inquest - lion - little - main - major - mayor - mostly - much - nominee - often - old - outflow - outweigh - over - part - perpendicular - residence - senior - sergeant major - spur - staff - trade price - utmost - wholesale - wholesale trade - wholesaler - worship - abject - cash
    tr[meəSMALLr/SMALL]
    1 (man) alcalde nombre masculino; (woman) alcaldesa
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    lady mayor alcaldesa
    mayor ['meɪər, 'mɛr] n
    : alcalde m, -desa f
    n.
    • alcalde (Gobierno) s.m.
    'meɪər, meə(r)
    noun alcalde, -desa m,f, intendente mf (municipal) (RPl)
    [mɛǝ(r)]
    N alcalde m, alcaldesa f, intendente mf (S. Cone, Mex), regente mf (Mex)
    * * *
    ['meɪər, meə(r)]
    noun alcalde, -desa m,f, intendente mf (municipal) (RPl)

    English-spanish dictionary > mayor

  • 3 Psychology

       We come therefore now to that knowledge whereunto the ancient oracle directeth us, which is the knowledge of ourselves; which deserveth the more accurate handling, by how much it toucheth us more nearly. This knowledge, as it is the end and term of natural philosophy in the intention of man, so notwithstanding it is but a portion of natural philosophy in the continent of nature.... [W]e proceed to human philosophy or Humanity, which hath two parts: the one considereth man segregate, or distributively; the other congregate, or in society. So as Human philosophy is either Simple and Particular, or Conjugate and Civil. Humanity Particular consisteth of the same parts whereof man consisteth; that is, of knowledges which respect the Body, and of knowledges that respect the Mind... how the one discloseth the other and how the one worketh upon the other... [:] the one is honored with the inquiry of Aristotle, and the other of Hippocrates. (Bacon, 1878, pp. 236-237)
       The claims of Psychology to rank as a distinct science are... not smaller but greater than those of any other science. If its phenomena are contemplated objectively, merely as nervo-muscular adjustments by which the higher organisms from moment to moment adapt their actions to environing co-existences and sequences, its degree of specialty, even then, entitles it to a separate place. The moment the element of feeling, or consciousness, is used to interpret nervo-muscular adjustments as thus exhibited in the living beings around, objective Psychology acquires an additional, and quite exceptional, distinction. (Spencer, 1896, p. 141)
       Kant once declared that psychology was incapable of ever raising itself to the rank of an exact natural science. The reasons that he gives... have often been repeated in later times. In the first place, Kant says, psychology cannot become an exact science because mathematics is inapplicable to the phenomena of the internal sense; the pure internal perception, in which mental phenomena must be constructed,-time,-has but one dimension. In the second place, however, it cannot even become an experimental science, because in it the manifold of internal observation cannot be arbitrarily varied,-still less, another thinking subject be submitted to one's experiments, comformably to the end in view; moreover, the very fact of observation means alteration of the observed object. (Wundt, 1904, p. 6)
       It is [Gustav] Fechner's service to have found and followed the true way; to have shown us how a "mathematical psychology" may, within certain limits, be realized in practice.... He was the first to show how Herbart's idea of an "exact psychology" might be turned to practical account. (Wundt, 1904, pp. 6-7)
       "Mind," "intellect," "reason," "understanding," etc. are concepts... that existed before the advent of any scientific psychology. The fact that the naive consciousness always and everywhere points to internal experience as a special source of knowledge, may, therefore, be accepted for the moment as sufficient testimony to the rights of psychology as science.... "Mind," will accordingly be the subject, to which we attribute all the separate facts of internal observation as predicates. The subject itself is determined p. 17) wholly and exclusively by its predicates. (Wundt, 1904,
       The study of animal psychology may be approached from two different points of view. We may set out from the notion of a kind of comparative physiology of mind, a universal history of the development of mental life in the organic world. Or we may make human psychology the principal object of investigation. Then, the expressions of mental life in animals will be taken into account only so far as they throw light upon the evolution of consciousness in man.... Human psychology... may confine itself altogether to man, and generally has done so to far too great an extent. There are plenty of psychological text-books from which you would hardly gather that there was any other conscious life than the human. (Wundt, 1907, pp. 340-341)
       The Behaviorist began his own formulation of the problem of psychology by sweeping aside all medieval conceptions. He dropped from his scientific vocabulary all subjective terms such as sensation, perception, image, desire, purpose, and even thinking and emotion as they were subjectively defined. (Watson, 1930, pp. 5-6)
       According to the medieval classification of the sciences, psychology is merely a chapter of special physics, although the most important chapter; for man is a microcosm; he is the central figure of the universe. (deWulf, 1956, p. 125)
       At the beginning of this century the prevailing thesis in psychology was Associationism.... Behavior proceeded by the stream of associations: each association produced its successors, and acquired new attachments with the sensations arriving from the environment.
       In the first decade of the century a reaction developed to this doctrine through the work of the Wurzburg school. Rejecting the notion of a completely self-determining stream of associations, it introduced the task ( Aufgabe) as a necessary factor in describing the process of thinking. The task gave direction to thought. A noteworthy innovation of the Wurzburg school was the use of systematic introspection to shed light on the thinking process and the contents of consciousness. The result was a blend of mechanics and phenomenalism, which gave rise in turn to two divergent antitheses, Behaviorism and the Gestalt movement. The behavioristic reaction insisted that introspection was a highly unstable, subjective procedure.... Behaviorism reformulated the task of psychology as one of explaining the response of organisms as a function of the stimuli impinging upon them and measuring both objectively. However, Behaviorism accepted, and indeed reinforced, the mechanistic assumption that the connections between stimulus and response were formed and maintained as simple, determinate functions of the environment.
       The Gestalt reaction took an opposite turn. It rejected the mechanistic nature of the associationist doctrine but maintained the value of phenomenal observation. In many ways it continued the Wurzburg school's insistence that thinking was more than association-thinking has direction given to it by the task or by the set of the subject. Gestalt psychology elaborated this doctrine in genuinely new ways in terms of holistic principles of organization.
       Today psychology lives in a state of relatively stable tension between the poles of Behaviorism and Gestalt psychology.... (Newell & Simon, 1963, pp. 279-280)
       As I examine the fate of our oppositions, looking at those already in existence as guide to how they fare and shape the course of science, it seems to me that clarity is never achieved. Matters simply become muddier and muddier as we go down through time. Thus, far from providing the rungs of a ladder by which psychology gradually climbs to clarity, this form of conceptual structure leads rather to an ever increasing pile of issues, which we weary of or become diverted from, but never really settle. (Newell, 1973b, pp. 288-289)
       The subject matter of psychology is as old as reflection. Its broad practical aims are as dated as human societies. Human beings, in any period, have not been indifferent to the validity of their knowledge, unconcerned with the causes of their behavior or that of their prey and predators. Our distant ancestors, no less than we, wrestled with the problems of social organization, child rearing, competition, authority, individual differences, personal safety. Solving these problems required insights-no matter how untutored-into the psychological dimensions of life. Thus, if we are to follow the convention of treating psychology as a young discipline, we must have in mind something other than its subject matter. We must mean that it is young in the sense that physics was young at the time of Archimedes or in the sense that geometry was "founded" by Euclid and "fathered" by Thales. Sailing vessels were launched long before Archimedes discovered the laws of bouyancy [ sic], and pillars of identical circumference were constructed before anyone knew that C IID. We do not consider the ship builders and stone cutters of antiquity physicists and geometers. Nor were the ancient cave dwellers psychologists merely because they rewarded the good conduct of their children. The archives of folk wisdom contain a remarkable collection of achievements, but craft-no matter how perfected-is not science, nor is a litany of successful accidents a discipline. If psychology is young, it is young as a scientific discipline but it is far from clear that psychology has attained this status. (Robinson, 1986, p. 12)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Psychology

  • 4 need

    1. noun
    1) no pl. Notwendigkeit, die (for, of Gen.); (demand) Bedarf, der (for, of an + Dat.)

    if need arise/be — nötigenfalls; falls nötig

    there's no need for that — (as answer) [das ist] nicht nötig

    there's no need to do something — es ist nicht nötig od. notwendig, etwas zu tun

    there is no need to worry/get angry — es besteht kein Grund zur Sorge/sich zu ärgern

    there's no need for you to apologize — du brauchst dich nicht zu entschuldigen

    feel the need to do something — sich gezwungen od. genötigt sehen, etwas zu tun

    feel the need to confide in somebody — das Bedürfnis haben, sich jemandem anzuvertrauen

    have need of somebody/something — jemanden/etwas brauchen od. nötig haben

    2) no pl. (emergency) Not, die

    in case of need — im Notfall

    in times of need — in Notzeiten

    those in need — die Notleidenden od. Bedürftigen; see also academic.ru/29500/friend">friend 1)

    3) (thing) Bedürfnis, das
    2. transitive verb
    1) (require) brauchen

    something that urgently needs doing — etwas, was dringend gemacht werden muss

    that's all I needed! — (iron.) auch das noch!; das hat mir gerade noch gefehlt!

    it needs a coat of paint — es muss gestrichen werden

    2) (expr. necessity) müssen

    it needs/doesn't need to be done — es muss getan werden/es braucht nicht getan zu werden

    I don't need to be reminded — du brauchst/ihr braucht mich nicht daran zu erinnern

    he needs cheering up — er muss [ein bisschen] aufgeheitert werden

    you shouldn't need to be told — das solltest od. müsstest du eigentlich wissen

    she needs everything [to be] explained to her — man muss ihr alles erklären

    don't be away longer than you need [be] — bleib nicht länger als nötig weg

    3) pres. he need,neg. need not or (coll.) needn't (expr. desirability) müssen; with neg. brauchen zu

    I need hardly or hardly need say that... — ich brauche wohl kaum zu sagen, dass...

    he needn't be told — (let's keep it secret) das braucht er nicht zu wissen

    we needn't or need not have done it, if... — wir hätten es nicht zu tun brauchen, wenn...

    that need not be the case — das muss nicht so sein od. der Fall sein

    * * *
    [ni:d] 1. negative short form - needn't; verb
    1) (to require: This page needs to be checked again; This page needs checking again; Do you need any help?) benötigen
    2) (to be obliged: You need to work hard if you want to succeed; They don't need to come until six o'clock; She needn't have given me such an expensive present.) müssen
    2. noun
    1) (something essential, that one must have: Food is one of our basic needs.) dringende Notwendigkeit
    2) (poverty or other difficulty: Many people are in great need.) die Not
    3) (a reason: There is no need for panic.) der Grund
    •
    - needless
    - needlessly
    - needy
    - a need for
    - in need of
    * * *
    [ni:d]
    I. n
    1. no pl (requirement) Bedarf m ( for an + dat)
    there is an urgent \need for doctors Ärzte werden dringend gebraucht
    your \need is greater than mine du brauchst es dringender als ich
    \need to act Handlungsbedarf m
    \need to catch up Nachholbedarf m
    as the \need arises bei Bedarf
    at \need ( dated) bei Bedarf
    to be [badly] in \need of sth etw [dringend] brauchen
    in \need of reform reformbedürftig
    to have no \need of sth etw nicht brauchen
    2. no pl (necessity) Notwendigkeit f
    there's no \need to get so angry es besteht kein Grund, so wütend zu werden
    there was no \need for you to walk from the station du hättest doch nicht vom Bahnhof herlaufen müssen
    there is no \need for you to get up early tomorrow es ist nicht nötig, dass du morgen früh aufstehst
    there is no \need to cry deshalb muss man doch nicht weinen
    if \need be falls nötig
    there's always food in the freezer if \need be notfalls ist immer noch etwas zum Essen im Gefrierschrank
    3. (yearning) Bedürfnis nt
    I'm in \need of some fresh air ich brauche etwas frische Luft; ( form)
    she had \need of company sie hatte das Bedürfnis nach Gesellschaft
    basic \needs Grundbedürfnisse pl
    to fulfil emotional \needs emotionale Bedürfnisse befriedigen
    to have/feel the \need to do sth das Bedürfnis haben/verspüren, etw zu tun
    to identify/satisfy a \need ein Bedürfnis erkennen/befriedigen
    to meet sb's \needs jds Bedürfnisse erfüllen
    4. no pl (requiring help)
    she helped him in his hour of \need sie hat ihm in der Stunde der Not geholfen
    children in \need Kinder in Not
    5. no pl (poverty) Not
    to be in great \need große Not leiden
    those in \need die Notleidenden
    II. vt
    ▪ to \need sth/sb etw/jdn brauchen
    he \needs help er braucht Hilfe
    you won't be \needing your coat today deinen Mantel brauchst du heute nicht
    what I \need now is a cup of coffee soup was ich jetzt brauche, ist eine Tasse Kaffee
    who \needs a car? I've got my bike wer braucht schon ein Auto? ich habe ja mein Fahrrad
    I \need you to advise me on... ich brauche deinen Rat zu...
    your trousers \need washing [or to be washed] deine Hose müsste mal gewaschen werden
    this room \needs a bit of brightening-up dieses Zimmer muss man mal ein bisschen freundlicher machen
    she \needs that car seeing to sie sollte das Auto mal zur Werkstatt bringen
    you \need [to have] your brains examined! du hast nicht mehr alle Tassen im Schrank!
    2. (must)
    ▪ to \need to do sth etw tun müssen
    they \need to win the match sie müssen das Spiel gewinnen; AM
    you didn't \need to invite him — he was sent an invitation weeks ago du hättest ihn nicht einladen müssen — er hat schon vor Wochen eine Einladung zugeschickt bekommen
    ▪ to not \need sth etw nicht brauchen können
    I don't \need your comments, thank you deine Kommentare kannst du dir sparen; ( hum)
    I \need this like I \need a hole in the head ( fam) das ist ja das Letzte, was ich [jetzt auch noch] gebrauchen kann fam
    III. aux vb
    ▪ sb/sth \needs do sth:
    all you \need bring are sheets Sie müssen nur Laken mitbringen
    \need we take your mother? müssen wir deine Mutter mitnehmen?
    if you want anything, you \need only ask wenn du etwas willst, brauchst du nur zu [o musst du nur] fragen
    \need I say more? muss ich noch mehr sagen?
    \need you ask? ( iron) da fragst du noch?
    you \needn't worry du brauchst dir keine Gedanken zu machen
    and it \needn't cost very much und es muss noch nicht mal viel kosten
    I \need hardly say... ich brauche wohl kaum zu erwähnen...
    I \need hardly tell you that the work is dangerous ich brauche dir wohl kaum zu sagen, dass die Arbeit gefährlich ist
    ▪ sb/sth \needn't have done sth jd/etw hätte etw nicht tun müssen
    you \needn't have washed all those dishes du hättest nicht das ganze Geschirr abwaschen müssen
    this accident \needn't have happened if he'd only driven more carefully dieser Unfall hätte nicht passieren müssen, wenn er nur vorsichtiger gefahren wäre
    you \needn't laugh! du brauchst gar nicht [so] zu lachen!
    * * *
    [niːd]
    1. n
    1) no pl (= necessity) Notwendigkeit f (
    for +gen)

    if need be — nötigenfalls, wenn nötig

    in case of need — notfalls, im Notfall

    (there is) no need for sth — etw ist nicht nötig

    (there is) no need to do sth — etw braucht nicht or muss nicht unbedingt getan werden

    there is no need for sb to do sth — jd braucht etw nicht zu tun

    there was no need to send it immediately —

    those most in need of help — diejenigen, die Hilfe am nötigsten brauchen

    2) no pl (= misfortune) Not f

    in time(s) of need —

    3) no pl (= poverty) Not f

    those in need — die Notleidenden pl, die Not Leidenden pl

    4) (= requirement) Bedürfnis nt

    a list of all your needs — eine Aufstellung all dessen, was Sie brauchen

    there is a great need for... — es besteht ein großer Bedarf an (+dat)...

    2. vt
    1) (= require) brauchen

    he needed no second invitation — man musste ihn nicht zweimal bitten

    that's/you're all I needed (iro) — das hat/du hast mir gerade noch gefehlt

    it needs a service/a coat of paint/careful consideration — es muss gewartet/gestrichen/gründlich überlegt werden

    is a visa needed to enter the USA? —

    it needed a revolution to change that it needed an accident to make him drive carefully — es bedurfte einer Revolution, um das zu ändern er musste erst einen Unfall haben, bevor er vernünftig fuhr

    2)

    (in verbal constructions) sth needs doing or to be done —

    he needs watching/cheering up — man muss ihn beobachten/aufheitern, er muss beobachtet/aufgeheitert werden

    3. vb aux
    1) (indicating obligation: in positive contexts) müssen

    I need hardly say that... — ich brauche wohl kaum zu erwähnen, dass...

    2) (indicating obligation: in negative contexts) brauchen

    we needn't have come/gone — wir hätten gar nicht kommen/gehen brauchen

    I/you needn't have bothered — das war nicht nötig

    3)

    (indicating logical necessity) need that be true? — ist das notwendigerweise wahr?

    it need not follow that... — daraus folgt nicht unbedingt, dass...

    * * *
    need [niːd]
    A s
    1. (of, for) Bedürfnis n (nach), Bedarf m (an dat):
    be ( oder stand) in need of sth etwas brauchen, etwas nötig haben;
    in need of help hilfs-, hilfebedürftig;
    in need of repair reparaturbedürftig;
    have no need to do sth kein Bedürfnis haben, etwas zu tun ( → A 3);
    fill a need einem Bedürfnis entgegenkommen
    2. Mangel m (of, for an dat), Fehlen n:
    feel the need of ( oder for) sth etwas vermissen, Mangel an einer Sache verspüren
    3. (dringende) Notwendigkeit:
    there is no need for you to come es ist nicht notwendig oder nötig, dass du kommst; du brauchst nicht zu kommen;
    have no need to do sth keinen Grund haben, etwas zu tun ( → A 1);
    have need to do sth etwas tun müssen;
    the need for victory das unbedingte Gewinnenmüssen
    4. Not(lage) f:
    in case of need, if need be, if need arise nötigenfalls, im Notfall
    5. Armut f, Not f:
    in need in Not
    6. pl Erfordernisse pl, Bedürfnisse pl
    B v/t
    1. benötigen, nötig haben, brauchen, bedürfen (gen):
    that’s all I need iron das fehlt mir gerade noch!, auch das noch!;
    your hair needs cutting du musst dir wieder einmal die Haare schneiden lassen;
    feel needed das Gefühl haben, gebraucht zu werden;
    “chains needed” AUTO „Ketten erforderlich“
    2. erfordern:
    C v/i obs meist unpers nötig sein:
    it needs not ( oder it does not need) that … es ist nicht nötig, dass …;
    there needs no excuse eine Entschuldigung ist nicht nötig
    D v/aux
    1. müssen, brauchen:
    it needs to be done es muss getan werden;
    it needs but to become known obs es braucht nur bekannt zu werden
    2. (vor einer Verneinung und in Fragen, ohne to;
    3. sg präs need) brauchen, müssen:
    she need not do it sie braucht es nicht zu tun;
    you need not have come du hättest nicht zu kommen brauchen;
    need he do it? muss er es tun?
    * * *
    1. noun
    1) no pl. Notwendigkeit, die (for, of Gen.); (demand) Bedarf, der (for, of an + Dat.)

    if need arise/be — nötigenfalls; falls nötig

    there's no need for that — (as answer) [das ist] nicht nötig

    there's no need to do something — es ist nicht nötig od. notwendig, etwas zu tun

    there is no need to worry/get angry — es besteht kein Grund zur Sorge/sich zu ärgern

    feel the need to do something — sich gezwungen od. genötigt sehen, etwas zu tun

    feel the need to confide in somebody — das Bedürfnis haben, sich jemandem anzuvertrauen

    have need of somebody/something — jemanden/etwas brauchen od. nötig haben

    2) no pl. (emergency) Not, die

    those in need — die Notleidenden od. Bedürftigen; see also friend 1)

    3) (thing) Bedürfnis, das
    2. transitive verb
    1) (require) brauchen

    something that urgently needs doing — etwas, was dringend gemacht werden muss

    that's all I needed! — (iron.) auch das noch!; das hat mir gerade noch gefehlt!

    2) (expr. necessity) müssen

    it needs/doesn't need to be done — es muss getan werden/es braucht nicht getan zu werden

    I don't need to be reminded — du brauchst/ihr braucht mich nicht daran zu erinnern

    he needs cheering up — er muss [ein bisschen] aufgeheitert werden

    you shouldn't need to be told — das solltest od. müsstest du eigentlich wissen

    she needs everything [to be] explained to her — man muss ihr alles erklären

    don't be away longer than you need [be] — bleib nicht länger als nötig weg

    3) pres. he need,neg. need not or (coll.) needn't (expr. desirability) müssen; with neg. brauchen zu

    I need hardly or hardly need say that... — ich brauche wohl kaum zu sagen, dass...

    he needn't be told — (let's keep it secret) das braucht er nicht zu wissen

    we needn't or need not have done it, if... — wir hätten es nicht zu tun brauchen, wenn...

    * * *
    n.
    Bedarf -e m.
    Bedürfnis n.
    Not ¨-e f. v.
    bedürfen v.
    benötigen v.
    brauchen v.

    English-german dictionary > need

  • 5 triple

    1. adjective
    2) (three times greater than)

    triple the... — der/die/das dreifache...

    at triple the speed — mit der dreifachen Geschwindigkeit od. dreimal so schnell

    2. noun
    Dreifache, das
    3. intransitive verb 4. transitive verb
    * * *
    ['tripl] 1. adjective
    1) (three times (as big, much etc as usual): He received triple wages for all his extra work; a triple whisky.) dreifach
    2) (made up of three (parts etc): a triple agreement.) Drei-...
    2. verb
    (to make or become three times as much, big etc; to treble: He tripled his income; His income tripled in ten years.) (sich)verdreifachen
    3. noun
    (three times the (usual) amount: If you work the bank holiday, you will be paid triple.) das Dreifache
    - academic.ru/76689/triplet">triplet
    * * *
    tri·ple
    [ˈtrɪpl̩]
    I. adj inv
    1. attr (threefold) dreifach
    2. attr (of three parts) Dreier-
    II. adv (three times greater) dreimal so viel
    in 1991 the number of one-parent U.S. households reached nearly \triple that of 1971 die Anzahl der allein erziehenden Amerikaner erreichte 1991 fast das Dreifache von 1971
    III. vt
    ▪ to \triple sth etw verdreifachen
    IV. vi sich akk verdreifachen
    * * *
    ['trɪpl]
    1. adj
    dreifach
    2. adv
    dreimal so viel

    it's triple the distance — es ist dreimal so weit

    it costs triple what it used to — es kostet dreimal so viel wie früher, es kostet das Dreifache von früher

    3. n
    Dreifache(s) nt
    4. vt
    verdreifachen
    5. vi
    sich verdreifachen
    * * *
    triple [ˈtrıpl]
    A adj (adv triply)
    1. dreifach
    2. dreimalig
    3. Drei…, drei…, Tripel…
    B s
    1. (das) Dreifache
    2. Pferderennsport: US Dreierwette f
    C v/t & v/i (sich) verdreifachen
    * * *
    1. adjective

    triple the... — der/die/das dreifache...

    2. noun
    Dreifache, das
    3. intransitive verb 4. transitive verb
    * * *
    adj.
    dreifach adj.
    dreimalig adj.
    verdreifachen adj.

    English-german dictionary > triple

  • 6 rise

    1. noun
    1) (going up) (of sun etc.) Aufgang, der; (Theatre): (of curtain) Aufgehen, das; (advancement) Aufstieg, der
    2) (emergence) Aufkommen, das
    3) (increase) (in value, price, cost) Steigerung, die; (St. Exch.): (in shares) Hausse, die; (in population, temperature) Zunahme, die
    4) (Brit.)

    [pay] rise — (in wages) Lohnerhöhung, die; (in salary) Gehaltserhöhung, die

    5) (hill) Anhöhe, die; Erhebung, die
    6) (origin) Ursprung, der

    give rise to — führen zu; [Ereignis:] Anlass geben zu [Spekulation]

    7)

    get or take a rise out of somebody — (fig.): (make fun of) sich über jemanden lustig machen

    2. intransitive verb,
    1) (go up) aufsteigen

    rise [up] into the air — [Rauch:] aufsteigen, in die Höhe steigen; [Ballon, Vogel, Flugzeug:] sich in die Luft erheben

    2) (come up) [Sonne, Mond:] aufgehen; [Blase:] aufsteigen
    3) (reach higher level) steigen; [Stimme:] höher werden
    4) (extend upward) aufragen; sich erheben; [Weg, Straße:] ansteigen

    rise to 2,000 metres — [Berg:] 2 000 m hoch aufragen

    5) (advance) [Person:] aufsteigen, aufrücken

    rise in the world — voran- od. weiterkommen

    6) (increase) steigen; [Stimme:] lauter werden; [Wind, Sturm:] auffrischen, stärker werden
    7) (Cookery) [Teig, Kuchen:] aufgehen
    8) [Stimmung, Moral:] steigen
    9) (come to surface) [Fisch:] steigen

    rise to the bait — (fig.) sich ködern lassen (ugs.)

    10) (Theatre) [Vorhang:] aufgehen, sich heben
    11) (rebel, cease to be quiet) [Person:] aufbegehren (geh.), sich erheben
    12) (get up)

    rise [to one's feet] — aufstehen

    rise on its hind legs — [Pferd:] steigen

    13) (adjourn) [Parlament:] in die Ferien gehen, die Sitzungsperiode beenden; (end a session) die Sitzung beenden
    14) (come to life again) auferstehen
    15) (have origin) [Fluss:] entspringen
    Phrasal Verbs:
    - academic.ru/109581/rise_to">rise to
    * * *
    1. past tense - rose; verb
    1) (to become greater, larger, higher etc; to increase: Food prices are still rising; His temperature rose; If the river rises much more, there will be a flood; Her voice rose to a scream; Bread rises when it is baked; His spirits rose at the good news.) steigen
    2) (to move upwards: Smoke was rising from the chimney; The birds rose into the air; The curtain rose to reveal an empty stage.) hochsteigen
    3) (to get up from bed: He rises every morning at six o'clock.) aufstehen
    4) (to stand up: The children all rose when the headmaster came in.) aufstehen
    5) ((of the sun etc) to appear above the horizon: The sun rises in the east and sets in the west.) aufgehen
    6) (to slope upwards: Hills rose in the distance; The ground rises at this point.) aussteigen
    7) (to rebel: The people rose (up) in revolt against the dictator.) sich erheben
    8) (to move to a higher rank, a more important position etc: He rose to the rank of colonel.) aufsteigen
    9) ((of a river) to begin or appear: The Rhône rises in the Alps.) entstehen
    10) ((of wind) to begin; to become stronger: Don't go out in the boat - the wind has risen.) aufkommen
    11) (to be built: Office blocks are rising all over the town.) entstehen
    12) (to come back to life: Jesus has risen.) auferstehen
    2. noun
    1) ((the) act of rising: He had a rapid rise to fame; a rise in prices.) das Steigen
    2) (an increase in salary or wages: She asked her boss for a rise.) die Erhöhung
    3) (a slope or hill: The house is just beyond the next rise.) die Steigung
    4) (the beginning and early development of something: the rise of the Roman Empire.) der Aufstieg
    •
    3. adjective
    the rising sun; rising prices; the rising generation; a rising young politician.) steigend
    - early
    - late riser
    - give rise to
    - rise to the occasion
    * * *
    [raɪz]
    I. n
    1. (upward movement) of theatre curtain Hochgehen nt kein pl, Heben nt kein pl; of the sun Aufgehen nt kein pl
    2. (in fishing) Steigen nt kein pl
    3. MUS of a pitch, sound Erhöhung f
    4. (in society) Aufstieg m
    \rise to power Aufstieg m an die Macht
    meteoric \rise kometenhafter Aufstieg
    5. (hill) Anhöhe f, Erhebung f; (in a road) [Straßen]kuppe f
    6. (height) of an arch, incline, step Höhe f; (in trousers) Schritt m
    7. (increase) Anstieg m kein pl, Steigen nt kein pl
    the team's winning streak has triggered a \rise in attendance die Erfolgsserie der Mannschaft hat die Zuschauerzahlen ansteigen lassen
    [pay] \rise BRIT Gehaltserhöhung f, Lohnerhöhung f
    temperature \rise Temperaturanstieg m
    \rise in costs Kostenanstieg m
    \rise in interest rates Zinsanstieg m
    \rise in volume COMM Umsatzzunahme f
    to be on the \rise im Steigen begriffen sein
    inflation is on the \rise die Inflation steigt
    8. (origin) of a brook Ursprung m
    the river Cam has its \rise in a place called Ashwell der Fluss Cam entspringt an einem Ort namens Ashwell
    9.
    ▶ to get [or take] a \rise out of sb ( fam) jdn [total] auf die Palme bringen fam
    ▶ to give \rise to sth etw verursachen, Anlass zu etw akk geben
    to give \rise to a question eine Frage aufwerfen
    II. vi
    <rose, risen>
    1. (ascend) steigen; curtain aufgehen, hochgehen
    the curtain is rising der Vorhang geht auf [o hebt sich
    2. (become visible) moon, sun aufgehen
    3. (move towards water surface) fish an die Oberfläche kommen
    5. (improve position) aufsteigen
    to \rise to fame berühmt werden
    to \rise in the hierarchy in der Hierarchie aufsteigen
    to \rise in the ranks im Rang steigen
    to \rise through the ranks befördert werden
    to \rise in sb's esteem in jds Ansehen steigen
    6. (from a chair) sich akk erheben; LAW
    all \rise bitte erheben Sie sich
    7. (get out of bed) aufstehen
    8. esp BRIT ( form: adjourn) enden, schließen
    the meeting rose at 6p.m. die Besprechung endete um 18.00 Uhr
    9. (be reborn) auferstehen
    to \rise from the dead von den Toten auferstehen
    to \rise again wiederauferstehen
    10. (blow) wind aufkommen
    they noticed that the wind was rising sie bemerkten, dass der Wind stärker wurde
    11. (originate) river entspringen
    12. (rebel) sich akk auflehnen
    ▪ to \rise against sb/sth sich akk gegen jdn/etw auflehnen
    13. (incline upwards) ground ansteigen
    14. (be higher than surroundings) sich akk erheben
    the mountains \rise above the woods die Berge ragen über den Wäldern empor
    15. (stand on end) hair zu Berge stehen
    his hair rose ihm standen die Haare zu Berge
    we were impressed by the skyscrapers rising above the plain wir waren beeindruckt von den Wolkenkratzern, die sich über der Ebene erhoben
    17. FOOD yeast, dough aufgehen
    18. (appear) blister, bump, weal sich akk bilden
    19. (get nauseated) stomach sich akk umdrehen [o heben
    20. (increase) [an]steigen; (in height) river, sea steigen
    house prices have \risen sharply die Immobilienpreise sind stark gestiegen
    21. of emotion sich akk erhitzen
    tempers were rising at the meeting die Gemüter erhitzten sich auf der Besprechung
    he felt panic \rise in him er fühlte Panik in sich aufsteigen
    22. (become louder) voice lauter werden, sich akk erheben
    murmurs of disapproval rose from the crowd die Menge ließ ein missbilligendes Gemurmel hören
    23. mood, spirit steigen
    my spirits \rise whenever I think of my next holiday immer wenn ich an meinen nächsten Urlaub denke, steigt meine Laune
    24. barometer, thermometer steigen
    25.
    ▶ to \rise to the bait anbeißen
    they offered a good salary, but I didn't \rise to the bait sie boten mir ein gutes Gehalt an, aber ich habe mich nicht ködern lassen
    ▶ \rise and shine! aufstehen!, los, raus aus den Federn!
    * * *
    [raɪz] vb: pret rose, ptp risen
    1. n
    1) (= increase) (in sth etw gen) (in temperature, pressure, of tide, river) Anstieg m, Steigen nt no pl; (in number) Zunahme f; (in prices, bank rate) Steigerung f, Anstieg m; (ST EX) Aufschwung m
    2) (= upward movement of theatre curtain) Hochgehen nt, Heben nt; (of sun) Aufgehen nt; (MUS in pitch) Erhöhung f (
    in +gen (fig, to fame, power etc) Aufstieg m (to zu)

    the rise of the working classes —

    3) (= small hill) Erhebung f; (= slope) Steigung f
    4) (= origin of river) Ursprung m

    to give rise to sth — etw verursachen; to questions etw aufwerfen; to complaints Anlass zu etw geben; to speculation zu etw führen; to hopes, fears etw aufkommen lassen

    2. vi
    1) (= get up) (from sitting, lying) aufstehen, sich erheben (geh), um zu gehen

    to rise from the table to rise in the saddle — vom Tisch aufstehen, sich vom Tisch erheben (geh) sich im Sattel heben

    he rose from his sickbed to go and see her — er verließ sein Krankenlager, um sie zu sehen

    rise and shine! (inf) — raus aus den Federn! (inf)

    2) (= go up) steigen; (smoke, mist etc) (auf)steigen, emporsteigen; (prices, temperature, pressure etc) (an)steigen (to auf +acc); (balloon, aircraft, bird) (auf)steigen, sich heben (geh); (lift) hochfahren, nach oben fahren; (theatre curtain) hochgehen, sich heben; (sun, moon, bread, dough) aufgehen; (wind, storm) aufkommen, sich erheben; (voice, in volume) sich erheben; (in pitch) höher werden; (swimmer, fish) hochkommen; (new buildings) entstehen; (fig, hopes) steigen; (anger) wachsen, zunehmen; (stomach) sich heben

    he won't rise to any of your taunts —

    I can't rise to £100 — ich kann nicht bis £ 100 gehen

    his voice rose to screaming pitch — seine Stimme wurde kreischend or schrill

    3) (ground) ansteigen; (mountains, hills, castle) sich erheben

    the mountain rises to 5,000 feet —

    where the hills rise against the sky — wo sich die Berge gegen den Himmel abheben

    4) (fig

    in society, rank) to rise in the world — es zu etwas bringen

    to rise from nothing — sich aus dem Nichts empor- or hocharbeiten

    he rose to be President/a captain — er stieg zum Präsidenten/Kapitän auf

    See:
    → rank
    5) (= adjourn assembly) auseinandergehen; (meeting) beendet sein
    6) (= originate river) entspringen
    7) (= revolt people) sich empören, sich erheben; (= rebel one's soul etc) sich empören

    to rise (up) in anger (at sth) (people) — sich (gegen etw) empören; (soul, inner being etc) sich (gegen etw) auflehnen/zornig empören

    * * *
    rise [raız]
    A v/i prät rose [rəʊz], pperf risen [ˈrızn]
    1. sich erheben, aufstehen ( from von):
    rise and shine! umg raus aus den Federn!
    2. a) aufbrechen
    b) die Sitzung schließen, sich vertagen
    3. auf-, hoch-, emporsteigen (Vogel, Rauch, Geruch etc; auch fig Gedanke, Zorn etc):
    the curtain rises THEAT der Vorhang geht hoch;
    a) die Röte stieg ihr ins Gesicht,
    b) ihre Wangen röteten sich (an der Luft etc);
    a) an die Oberfläche kommen (Fisch etc), auftauchen (U-Boot),
    b) fig ans Tageslicht oder zum Vorschein kommen;
    his hair rose die Haare standen ihm zu Berge oder sträubten sich ihm;
    land rises to view SCHIFF Land kommt in Sicht;
    the spirits rose die Stimmung hob sich;
    the word rose to her lips das Wort kam ihr auf die Lippen
    4. REL (von den Toten) auferstehen
    5. emporsteigen, dämmern (Morgen)
    6. ASTRON aufgehen (Sonne etc)
    7. ansteigen, bergan gehen (Weg etc)
    8. (an)steigen (by um) (Fieber, Fluss, Preise etc):
    the barometer ( oder glass) has risen das Barometer ist gestiegen;
    rise in sb’s esteem in jemandes Achtung steigen
    9. sich erheben, emporragen:
    the tower rises to a height of 80 yards der Turm erreicht eine Höhe von 80 Yards
    10. steigen, sich bäumen (Pferd):
    rise to a fence zum Sprung über ein Hindernis ansetzen
    11. aufgehen (Saat, auch Hefeteig)
    12. sich bilden (on auf dat) (Blasen etc)
    13. sich erheben, aufkommen (Wind, Sturm, Unruhe, Streit etc)
    14. auch rise in rebellion sich erheben, revoltieren, aufstehen:
    my stomach rises against this mein Magen sträubt sich dagegen, a. fig es ekelt mich an; → arm2 Bes Redew
    15. entstehen, -springen:
    the river rises from a spring in the mountains der Fluss entspringt aus einer Bergquelle;
    their argument rose from ( oder out of) a misunderstanding ihr Streit entsprang (aus) einem Missverständnis
    16. fig sich erheben:
    a) erhaben sein ( above über akk): → crowd1 A 2
    b) sich emporschwingen (Geist):
    rise above mediocrity über das Mittelmaß hinausragen; → occasion A 4
    rise to a higher rank aufsteigen, befördert werden;
    rise in the world vorwärtskommen, es zu etwas bringen
    18. (an)wachsen, sich steigern:
    the wind rose der Wind nahm zu;
    his courage rose sein Mut wuchs
    19. MUS etc (an)steigen, anschwellen (Ton), lauter werden (Stimme)
    B v/t
    a) aufsteigen lassen, einen Fisch an die Oberfläche bringen
    b) aufsteigen sehen, auch SCHIFF ein Schiff sichten
    C s
    1. (Auf-, Hoch)Steigen n, Aufstieg m, THEAT Hochgehen n (des Vorhangs)
    2. ASTRON (Sonnen- etc) Aufgang m
    3. REL Auferstehung f (von den Toten)
    4. a) Auftauchen n
    b) Steigen n (des Fisches), Schnappen n (nach dem Köder):
    a) jemanden auf den Arm nehmen umg,
    b) jemanden auf die Palme bringen umg
    5. fig Aufstieg m:
    his rise to fame sein Aufstieg zum Ruhm;
    a young artist on the rise ein aufstrebender junger Künstler
    6. (An)Steigen n:
    a) Anschwellen n (eines Flusses, eines Tons etc)
    b) Anstieg m, Erhöhung f, Zunahme f:
    the rise in temperature der Temperaturanstieg;
    rise of (the) tide SCHIFF Tidenhub m;
    rise and fall Steigen und Fallen
    c) allg (An)Wachsen n, Steigerung f
    7. WIRTSCH
    a) (An)Steigen n, Anziehen n:
    rise in prices Preisanstieg m
    b) Börse: Aufschwung m, Hausse f
    c) besonders Br Aufbesserung f, Lohn-, Gehaltserhöhung f:
    on the rise im Steigen begriffen (Preise, Kurse);
    rise (of value) Wertsteigerung f;
    speculate for a rise auf Hausse oder à la hausse spekulieren; → operate A 4 a
    8. Zuwachs m, Zunahme f:
    rise in population Bevölkerungszuwachs, -zunahme
    9. Ursprung m (einer Quelle oder fig), Entstehung f:
    take ( oder have) its rise entspringen, entstehen, seinen Ursprung nehmen
    10. fig Anlass m, Ursache f:
    a) verursachen, hervorrufen, führen zu,
    b) einen Verdacht etc aufkommen lassen, Anlass geben zu, erregen
    11. a) Steigung f (eines Geländes)
    b) Anhöhe f, Erhebung f
    12. Höhe f (eines Turmes etc)
    * * *
    1. noun
    1) (going up) (of sun etc.) Aufgang, der; (Theatre): (of curtain) Aufgehen, das; (advancement) Aufstieg, der
    2) (emergence) Aufkommen, das
    3) (increase) (in value, price, cost) Steigerung, die; (St. Exch.): (in shares) Hausse, die; (in population, temperature) Zunahme, die
    4) (Brit.)

    [pay] rise — (in wages) Lohnerhöhung, die; (in salary) Gehaltserhöhung, die

    5) (hill) Anhöhe, die; Erhebung, die
    6) (origin) Ursprung, der

    give rise to — führen zu; [Ereignis:] Anlass geben zu [Spekulation]

    7)

    get or take a rise out of somebody — (fig.): (make fun of) sich über jemanden lustig machen

    2. intransitive verb,
    1) (go up) aufsteigen

    rise [up] into the air — [Rauch:] aufsteigen, in die Höhe steigen; [Ballon, Vogel, Flugzeug:] sich in die Luft erheben

    2) (come up) [Sonne, Mond:] aufgehen; [Blase:] aufsteigen
    3) (reach higher level) steigen; [Stimme:] höher werden
    4) (extend upward) aufragen; sich erheben; [Weg, Straße:] ansteigen

    rise to 2,000 metres — [Berg:] 2 000 m hoch aufragen

    5) (advance) [Person:] aufsteigen, aufrücken

    rise in the world — voran- od. weiterkommen

    6) (increase) steigen; [Stimme:] lauter werden; [Wind, Sturm:] auffrischen, stärker werden
    7) (Cookery) [Teig, Kuchen:] aufgehen
    8) [Stimmung, Moral:] steigen
    9) (come to surface) [Fisch:] steigen

    rise to the bait — (fig.) sich ködern lassen (ugs.)

    10) (Theatre) [Vorhang:] aufgehen, sich heben
    11) (rebel, cease to be quiet) [Person:] aufbegehren (geh.), sich erheben

    rise [to one's feet] — aufstehen

    rise on its hind legs — [Pferd:] steigen

    13) (adjourn) [Parlament:] in die Ferien gehen, die Sitzungsperiode beenden; (end a session) die Sitzung beenden
    14) (come to life again) auferstehen
    15) (have origin) [Fluss:] entspringen
    Phrasal Verbs:
    * * *
    (in rates) n.
    Kursanstieg m. (increase) time n.
    Anstiegszeit f. n.
    Anstieg -e m.
    Aufgang -¨e m.
    Aufschwung m.
    Steigen - n. (above) v.
    herausragen (über) v. (advance) to the position of expr.
    avancieren zu v. v.
    (§ p.,p.p.: rose, risen)
    = anschwellen v.
    ansteigen v.
    anwachsen v.
    aufgehen v.
    aufstehen v.
    aufsteigen v.
    emporsteigen v.
    entspringen v.
    entstehen v.
    sich erheben v.
    sichtbar werden ausdr.
    steigen v.
    (§ p.,pp.: stieg, ist gestiegen)

    English-german dictionary > rise

  • 7 De Forest, Lee

    [br]
    b. 26 August 1873 Council Bluffs, Iowa, USA
    d. 30 June 1961 Hollywood, California, USA
    [br]
    American electrical engineer and inventor principally known for his invention of the Audion, or triode, vacuum tube; also a pioneer of sound in the cinema.
    [br]
    De Forest was born into the family of a Congregational minister that moved to Alabama in 1879 when the father became President of a college for African-Americans; this was a position that led to the family's social ostracism by the white community. By the time he was 13 years old, De Forest was already a keen mechanical inventor, and in 1893, rejecting his father's plan for him to become a clergyman, he entered the Sheffield Scientific School of Yale University. Following his first degree, he went on to study the propagation of electromagnetic waves, gaining a PhD in physics in 1899 for his thesis on the "Reflection of Hertzian Waves from the Ends of Parallel Wires", probably the first US thesis in the field of radio.
    He then joined the Western Electric Company in Chicago where he helped develop the infant technology of wireless, working his way up from a modest post in the production area to a position in the experimental laboratory. There, working alone after normal working hours, he developed a detector of electromagnetic waves based on an electrolytic device similar to that already invented by Fleming in England. Recognizing his talents, a number of financial backers enabled him to set up his own business in 1902 under the name of De Forest Wireless Telegraphy Company; he was soon demonstrating wireless telegraphy to interested parties and entering into competition with the American Marconi Company.
    Despite the failure of this company because of fraud by his partners, he continued his experiments; in 1907, by adding a third electrode, a wire mesh, between the anode and cathode of the thermionic diode invented by Fleming in 1904, he was able to produce the amplifying device now known as the triode valve and achieve a sensitivity of radio-signal reception much greater than possible with the passive carborundum and electrolytic detectors hitherto available. Patented under the name Audion, this new vacuum device was soon successfully used for experimental broadcasts of music and speech in New York and Paris. The invention of the Audion has been described as the beginning of the electronic era. Although much development work was required before its full potential was realized, the Audion opened the way to progress in all areas of sound transmission, recording and reproduction. The patent was challenged by Fleming and it was not until 1943 that De Forest's claim was finally recognized.
    Overcoming the near failure of his new company, the De Forest Radio Telephone Company, as well as unsuccessful charges of fraudulent promotion of the Audion, he continued to exploit the potential of his invention. By 1912 he had used transformer-coupling of several Audion stages to achieve high gain at radio frequencies, making long-distance communication a practical proposition, and had applied positive feedback from the Audion output anode to its input grid to realize a stable transmitter oscillator and modulator. These successes led to prolonged patent litigation with Edwin Armstrong and others, and he eventually sold the manufacturing rights, in retrospect often for a pittance.
    During the early 1920s De Forest began a fruitful association with T.W.Case, who for around ten years had been working to perfect a moving-picture sound system. De Forest claimed to have had an interest in sound films as early as 1900, and Case now began to supply him with photoelectric cells and primitive sound cameras. He eventually devised a variable-density sound-on-film system utilizing a glow-discharge modulator, the Photion. By 1926 De Forest's Phonofilm had been successfully demonstrated in over fifty theatres and this system became the basis of Movietone. Though his ideas were on the right lines, the technology was insufficiently developed and it was left to others to produce a system acceptable to the film industry. However, De Forest had played a key role in transforming the nature of the film industry; within a space of five years the production of silent films had all but ceased.
    In the following decade De Forest applied the Audion to the development of medical diathermy. Finally, after spending most of his working life as an independent inventor and entrepreneur, he worked for a time during the Second World War at the Bell Telephone Laboratories on military applications of electronics.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    Institute of Electronic and Radio Engineers Medal of Honour 1922. President, Institute of Electronic and Radio Engineers 1930. Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers Edison Medal 1946.
    Bibliography
    1904, "Electrolytic detectors", Electrician 54:94 (describes the electrolytic detector). 1907, US patent no. 841,387 (the Audion).
    1950, Father of Radio, Chicago: WIlcox \& Follett (autobiography).
    De Forest gave his own account of the development of his sound-on-film system in a series of articles: 1923. "The Phonofilm", Transactions of the Society of Motion Picture Engineers 16 (May): 61–75; 1924. "Phonofilm progress", Transactions of the Society of Motion Picture Engineers 20:17–19; 1927, "Recent developments in the Phonofilm", Transactions of the Society of Motion Picture Engineers 27:64–76; 1941, "Pioneering in talking pictures", Journal of the Society of Motion Picture Engineers 36 (January): 41–9.
    Further Reading
    G.Carneal, 1930, A Conqueror of Space (biography).
    I.Levine, 1964, Electronics Pioneer, Lee De Forest (biography).
    E.I.Sponable, 1947, "Historical development of sound films", Journal of the Society of Motion Picture Engineers 48 (April): 275–303 (an authoritative account of De Forest's sound-film work, by Case's assistant).
    W.R.McLaurin, 1949, Invention and Innovation in the Radio Industry.
    C.F.Booth, 1955, "Fleming and De Forest. An appreciation", in Thermionic Valves 1904– 1954, IEE.
    V.J.Phillips, 1980, Early Radio Detectors, London: Peter Peregrinus.
    KF / JW

    Biographical history of technology > De Forest, Lee

  • 8 more

    1. adjective
    1) (additional) mehr

    would you like any or some/a few more? — (apples, books, etc.) möchten Sie noch welche/ein paar?

    would you like any or some more apples? — möchten Sie noch Äpfel?

    would you like any or some/a little more? — (tea, paper, etc.) möchten Sie noch etwas/ein wenig?

    would you like any or some more tea/paper? — möchten Sie noch Tee/Papier?

    I haven't any more [apples/tea] — ich habe keine [Äpfel]/keinen [Tee] mehr

    many more things — noch viel mehr [Dinge]

    2) (greater in degree) größer

    more's the pity — (coll.) leider!

    the more fool you — du bist vielleicht ein Dummkopf

    2. noun, no pl., no indef. art.
    1) (greater amount or number or thing) mehr

    more and more — mehr und mehr; immer mehr

    the more the merrier — see academic.ru/46306/merry">merry 1)

    what is more... — außerdem...

    and more — mindestens vorangestellt; oder mehr

    there's no need to do/say [any] more — da braucht nichts weiter getan/gesagt zu werden

    3)

    more than — (coll.): (exceedingly) über[satt, -glücklich, -froh]; hoch[erfreut, -willkommen]

    3. adverb
    1) mehr [mögen, interessieren, gefallen, sich wünschen]; forming compar.

    this book is more interesting — dieses Buch ist interessanter

    more than anything [else] — vor allem

    2) (nearer, rather) eher

    more... than... — eher... als...

    more dead than alive — mehr tot als lebendig

    3) (again) wieder

    never more — nie wieder od. mehr

    4)

    more and more... — mehr und mehr od. immer mehr...; with adj. or adv. immer... (+ Komp.)

    5)

    more or less — (fairly) mehr oder weniger; (approximately) annähernd

    6)

    the more so because... — um so mehr, als od. weil...

    * * *
    [mo:]
    comparative; = much
    * * *
    [mɔ:ʳ, AM mɔ:r]
    I. adj comp of many, much noch mehr
    do you want \more food? willst du noch etwas zu essen haben?
    I helped myself to \more tea ich schenkte mir Tee nach
    we drank \more wine wir tranken noch mehr Wein
    two \more days until Christmas noch zwei Tage bis Weihnachten
    we can't take on any \more patients wir können keine weiteren Patienten mehr aufnehmen
    some \more coffee? noch etwas Kaffee?
    is there any \more coffee? ist noch [etwas] Kaffee da?
    why are there no \more seats left? warum sind keine Plätze mehr frei?
    no \more wine for you! du kriegst keinen Wein mehr!
    no \more swotting ( fam) Schluss mit der Büffelei! fam
    a few \more weeks and then it's Easter ein paar Wochen noch und dann ist Ostern
    can you give me a few \more days to think it over? gibst du mir noch ein paar Tage Zeit zum Nachdenken?
    you need a lot \more money than that du brauchst viel mehr Geld als das
    just a little \more attention nur etwas mehr Aufmerksamkeit
    \more and \more people buy things on the internet immer mehr Leute kaufen Sachen im Internet
    just one \more thing before I go nur noch eins, bevor ich gehe
    \more people live here than in the all of the rest of the country hier leben mehr Menschen als im ganzen Rest des Landes
    I'd be \more than happy to oblige es wäre mir ein Vergnügen
    \more and \more snow immer mehr Schnee
    ▶ [the] \more fool you BRIT ( pej fam) du bist ja blöd fam
    II. pron
    tell me \more erzähl' mir mehr
    there's \more to it da steckt mehr dahinter
    \more and \more came es kamen immer mehr
    we see \more of him these days wir sehen ihn zurzeit öfter
    she's \more of a poet than a musician sie ist eher Dichterin als Musikerin
    the noise was \more than I could bear ich konnte den Lärm nicht ertragen
    any \more? noch etwas?; (countable) noch mehr [o welche]?
    is there any \more? ist noch etwas da?
    some \more noch etwas; (countable) noch einige
    no \more nichts weiter; (countable) keine mehr
    there was no \more to be said about it dazu gab es nichts mehr zu sagen
    2.
    all the \more... umso mehr...
    that's all the \more reason not to give in das ist umso mehr Grund, nicht nachzugeben
    the \more the better je mehr desto besser
    do come to the picnic — the \more the merrier komm doch zum Picknick — je mehr wir sind, desto lustiger wird es
    the \more he insisted he was innocent, the less they seemed to believe him je mehr er darauf beharrte, unschuldig zu sein, desto weniger schienen sie ihm zu glauben
    the \more he drank, the \more violent he became je mehr er trank, desto gewalttätiger wurde er
    III. adv inv
    1. (forming comparatives)
    let's find a \more sensible way of doing it wir sollten eine vernünftigere Lösung finden
    you couldn't be \more wrong du könntest nicht mehr danebenliegen! fam
    this task is far [or much] \more difficult than the last one diese Aufgabe ist viel schwerer als die letzte
    play that last section \more passionately spiele den letzten Teil leidenschaftlicher
    \more importantly wichtiger noch
    he finished the job and, \more importantly, he finished it on time er wurde mit der Arbeit fertig, wichtiger noch, er wurde rechtzeitig fertig
    \more and \more...:
    it's becoming \more and \more likely that she'll resign es wird immer wahrscheinlicher, dass sie zurücktritt
    vacancies were becoming \more and \more rare es gab immer weniger freie Stellen
    2. (to a greater extent) mehr
    she asked if she could see him \more sie fragte, ob sie ihn öfter sehen könne
    you should listen \more and talk less du solltest besser zuhören und weniger sprechen
    they like classical music \more than pop sie mögen klassische Musik lieber als Pop
    sb couldn't agree/disagree with sb \more ( form) jd ist ganz/überhaupt nicht jds Meinung
    I couldn't agree with you \more, Professor ganz meine Meinung, Herr Professor
    to think \more of sb eine höhere Meinung von jdm haben
    ... or \more mindestens...
    each diamond was worth £10,000 or \more jeder Diamant war mindestens 10.000 Pfund wert
    \more than... (greater number) über..., mehr als...; (very) äußerst..., mehr als...
    \more than 20,000 demonstrators crowded into the square über 20.000 Demonstranten füllten den Platz
    we'll be \more than happy to help wir helfen sehr gerne
    \more than a little... ( form) ausgesprochen...
    I was \more than a little surprised to see her ich war nicht wenig überrascht, sie zu sehen
    no \more than... höchstens...
    it's no \more than an inch long es ist höchstens ein Zoll lang
    ▪ the \more umso mehr
    she's now all the \more determined to succeed sie ist jetzt umso entschlossener, erfolgreich zu sein
    the \more so because umso mehr, als
    3. (in addition) noch, außerdem
    I just need one or two things \more before I can start cooking ich brauche nur noch ein paar Dinge, bevor ich zu kochen anfangen kann
    once/twice/three times \more noch einmal/zweimal/dreimal
    can you play the song through twice \more, please? kannst du das Lied bitte noch zweimal durchspielen?
    no \more nie wieder
    mention his name no \more to me erwähne seinen Namen mir gegenüber nie wieder
    and [what's] \more überdies
    he was rich, and \more, he was handsome er war reich und sah zudem gut aus
    4. with verb inversion (neither) auch nicht
    I had no complaints and no \more did Tom ich hatte keine Beschwerden und Tom auch nicht
    to be no \more times vorüber sein
    the good old days are no \more die guten alten Zeiten sind vorbei; person gestorben sein
    we're mourning poor Thomas, for he is no \more wir trauern um Thomas, der nicht mehr unter uns weilt
    to not do sth any \more etw nicht mehr tun
    I don't do yoga any \more ich habe mit Yoga aufgehört
    6. (rather) eher
    it's not so much a philosophy, \more a way of life es ist nicht so sehr eine Philosophie, als eine Lebensart
    it was \more a snack than a meal es war eher ein Snack als eine Mahlzeit
    \more dead than alive mehr tot als lebendig
    7.
    ▶ \more or less (all in all) mehr oder weniger; (approximately) ungefähr
    the project was \more or less a success das Projekt war mehr oder weniger erfolgreich
    it's 500 kilos, \more or less das sind ungefähr 500 Kilo
    it's \more or less symmetrical es ist in etwa symmetrisch
    ▶ that's \more like it ( fam) schon besser
    ▶ \more often than not meistens
    * * *
    [mɔː(r)]
    1. n, pron
    1) (= greater amount) mehr; (= a further or additional amount) noch mehr; (of countable things) noch mehr or welche

    I want a lot more — ich will viel mehr; (in addition) ich will noch viel mehr

    three more —

    a little more — etwas mehr; (in addition) noch etwas mehr

    many/much more — viel mehr

    not many/much more — nicht mehr viele/viel

    no more — nichts mehr; (countable) keine mehr

    some more — noch etwas; (countable) noch welche

    any more? — noch mehr or etwas?; (countable) noch mehr or welche?

    there isn't/aren't any more — mehr gibt es nicht; (here, at the moment, left over) es ist nichts/es sind keine mehr da

    is/are there any more? — gibt es noch mehr?; (left over) ist noch etwas/sind noch welche da?

    let's say no more about it —

    we shall hear/see more of you — wir werden öfter von dir hören/dich öfter sehen

    there's more to come — da kommt noch etwas, das ist noch nicht alles

    what more could one want? — mehr kann man sich doch nicht wünschen

    there's more to bringing up children than just... — zum Kindererziehen gehört mehr als nur...

    and what's more, he... — und außerdem or obendrein hat er... (noch)...

    2)

    the more you give him, the more he wants — je mehr du ihm gibst, desto mehr verlangt er

    the more the merrier — je mehr, desto besser or umso besser

    2. adj
    mehr; (in addition) noch mehr

    two/five more bottles —

    one more day, one day more more and more money/friends — noch ein Tag immer mehr Geld/Freunde

    a lot/a little more money — viel/etwas mehr Geld; (in addition) noch viel/noch etwas mehr Geld

    a few more friends/weeks — noch ein paar Freunde/Wochen

    you won't have many more friends/much more money left — du hast nicht mehr viele Freunde/nicht mehr viel Geld übrig

    no more money/friends — kein Geld/keine Freunde mehr

    no more singing/squabbling! — Schluss mit der Singerei/mit dem Zanken!

    do you want some more tea/books? —

    there aren't any more books — mehr Bücher gibt es nicht; (here, at the moment) es sind keine Bücher mehr da

    (the) more fool you for giving him the money — dass du auch so dumm bist und ihm das Geld gibst

    3. adv
    1) mehr

    it will weigh/grow a bit more — es wird etwas mehr wiegen/noch etwas wachsen

    will it weigh/grow any more? — wird es mehr wiegen/noch wachsen?

    it'll grow more if you... — es wächst besser, wenn du...

    to like/want sth more — etw lieber mögen/wollen

    £5/2 hours more than I thought — £ 5 mehr/2 Stunden länger, als ich dachte

    no more than, not more than — nicht mehr als

    he has resigned – that's no more than I expected — er hat gekündigt – das habe ich ja erwartet

    2)

    (= again) once more — noch einmal, noch mal (inf)

    3) (= longer) mehr

    no more, not any more — nicht mehr

    to be no more (person) — nicht mehr sein or leben; (thing) nicht mehr existieren

    if he comes here any more... — wenn er noch weiter or länger hierher kommt...

    4) (to form comp of adj, adv) -er (than als)
    5)

    neither more nor less, no more, no less — nicht mehr und nicht weniger

    * * *
    more [mɔː(r); US auch ˈməʊər]
    A adj
    1. mehr:
    more money ( people, etc);
    (no) more than (nicht) mehr als;
    they are more than we are sie sind zahlreicher als wir
    2. mehr, noch (mehr), weiter:
    some more tea noch etwas Tee;
    one more day noch ein(en) Tag;
    two more miles noch zwei Meilen, zwei weitere Meilen;
    some more children noch einige Kinder;
    so much the more courage umso mehr Mut;
    he is no more er ist nicht mehr (ist tot)
    3. größer (obs außer in):
    (the) more fool you! du bist vielleicht ein Dummkopf!;
    the more part der größere Teil
    B adv
    1. mehr, in höherem Maße:
    they work more sie arbeiten mehr;
    more in theory than in practice mehr in der Theorie als in der Praxis;
    more dead than alive mehr oder eher tot als lebendig;
    more and more immer mehr;
    more and more difficult immer schwieriger;
    a) mehr oder weniger,
    b) ungefähr;
    the more umso mehr;
    the more so because … umso mehr, da …;
    all the more so nur umso mehr;
    so much the more as … umso mehr als …;
    the more you have, the more you want (Sprichwort) je mehr man hat, desto mehr will man;
    no ( oder not any) more than … ebenso wenig wie …;
    neither ( oder no) more nor less than stupid nicht mehr und nicht weniger als dumm, einfach dumm;
    more than happy überglücklich
    2. (zur Bildung des komp):
    more conscientiously gewissenhafter;
    more important wichtiger;
    more often öfter; → able 1
    3. noch:
    never more niemals wieder;
    once more noch einmal;
    twice more noch zweimal;
    two hours (miles) more noch zwei Stunden (Meilen)
    4. darüber hinaus, überdies:
    it is wrong and, more, it is foolish
    C s
    1. Mehr n (of an dat)
    2. mehr:
    more than one person has seen it mehr als einer hat es gesehen;
    we shall see more of you wir werden dich noch öfter sehen;
    and what is more und was noch wichtiger oder schwerwiegender ist;
    some more, a little more noch etwas (mehr);
    no more nichts mehr;
    what more do you want? was willst du denn noch?
    * * *
    1. adjective
    1) (additional) mehr

    would you like any or some/a few more? — (apples, books, etc.) möchten Sie noch welche/ein paar?

    would you like any or some more apples? — möchten Sie noch Äpfel?

    would you like any or some/a little more? — (tea, paper, etc.) möchten Sie noch etwas/ein wenig?

    would you like any or some more tea/paper? — möchten Sie noch Tee/Papier?

    I haven't any more [apples/tea] — ich habe keine [Äpfel]/keinen [Tee] mehr

    many more things — noch viel mehr [Dinge]

    more's the pity — (coll.) leider!

    2. noun, no pl., no indef. art.

    more and more — mehr und mehr; immer mehr

    what is more... — außerdem...

    and more — mindestens vorangestellt; oder mehr

    there's no need to do/say [any] more — da braucht nichts weiter getan/gesagt zu werden

    3)

    more than — (coll.): (exceedingly) über[satt, -glücklich, -froh]; hoch[erfreut, -willkommen]

    3. adverb
    1) mehr [mögen, interessieren, gefallen, sich wünschen]; forming compar.

    more than anything [else] — vor allem

    2) (nearer, rather) eher

    more... than... — eher... als...

    3) (again) wieder

    never more — nie wieder od. mehr

    4)

    more and more... — mehr und mehr od. immer mehr...; with adj. or adv. immer... (+ Komp.)

    5)

    more or less — (fairly) mehr oder weniger; (approximately) annähernd

    6)

    the more so because... — um so mehr, als od. weil...

    * * *
    adj.
    mehr adj.
    weiter adj.

    English-german dictionary > more

  • 9 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 10 near cash

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    гос. фин. The resource budget contains a separate control total for “near cash” expenditure, that is expenditure such as pay and current grants which impacts directly on the measure of the golden rule.
    This paper provides background information on the framework for the planning and control of public expenditure in the UK which has been operated since the 1998 Comprehensive Spending Review (CSR). It sets out the different classifications of spending for budgeting purposes and why these distinctions have been adopted. It discusses how the public expenditure framework is designed to ensure both sound public finances and an outcome-focused approach to public expenditure.
    The UK's public spending framework is based on several key principles:
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    consistency with a long-term, prudent and transparent regime for managing the public finances as a whole;
    " "
    the judgement of success by policy outcomes rather than resource inputs;
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    strong incentives for departments and their partners in service delivery to plan over several years and plan together where appropriate so as to deliver better public services with greater cost effectiveness; and
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    the proper costing and management of capital assets to provide the right incentives for public investment.
    The Government sets policy to meet two firm fiscal rules:
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    the Golden Rule states that over the economic cycle, the Government will borrow only to invest and not to fund current spending; and
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    the Sustainable Investment Rule states that net public debt as a proportion of GDP will be held over the economic cycle at a stable and prudent level. Other things being equal, net debt will be maintained below 40 per cent of GDP over the economic cycle.
    Achievement of the fiscal rules is assessed by reference to the national accounts, which are produced by the Office for National Statistics, acting as an independent agency. The Government sets its spending envelope to comply with these fiscal rules.
    Departmental Expenditure Limits ( DEL) and Annually Managed Expenditure (AME)
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    Departmental Expenditure Limit ( DEL) spending, which is planned and controlled on a three year basis in Spending Reviews; and
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    Annually Managed Expenditure ( AME), which is expenditure which cannot reasonably be subject to firm, multi-year limits in the same way as DEL. AME includes social security benefits, local authority self-financed expenditure, debt interest, and payments to EU institutions.
    More information about DEL and AME is set out below.
    In Spending Reviews, firm DEL plans are set for departments for three years. To ensure consistency with the Government's fiscal rules departments are set separate resource (current) and capital budgets. The resource budget contains a separate control total for “near cash” expenditure, that is expenditure such as pay and current grants which impacts directly on the measure of the golden rule.
    To encourage departments to plan over the medium term departments may carry forward unspent DEL provision from one year into the next and, subject to the normal tests for tautness and realism of plans, may be drawn down in future years. This end-year flexibility also removes any incentive for departments to use up their provision as the year end approaches with less regard to value for money. For the full benefits of this flexibility and of three year plans to feed through into improved public service delivery, end-year flexibility and three year budgets should be cascaded from departments to executive agencies and other budget holders.
    Three year budgets and end-year flexibility give those managing public services the stability to plan their operations on a sensible time scale. Further, the system means that departments cannot seek to bid up funds each year (before 1997, three year plans were set and reviewed in annual Public Expenditure Surveys). So the credibility of medium-term plans has been enhanced at both central and departmental level.
    Departments have certainty over the budgetary allocation over the medium term and these multi-year DEL plans are strictly enforced. Departments are expected to prioritise competing pressures and fund these within their overall annual limits, as set in Spending Reviews. So the DEL system provides a strong incentive to control costs and maximise value for money.
    There is a small centrally held DEL Reserve. Support from the Reserve is available only for genuinely unforeseeable contingencies which departments cannot be expected to manage within their DEL.
    AME typically consists of programmes which are large, volatile and demand-led, and which therefore cannot reasonably be subject to firm multi-year limits. The biggest single element is social security spending. Other items include tax credits, Local Authority Self Financed Expenditure, Scottish Executive spending financed by non-domestic rates, and spending financed from the proceeds of the National Lottery.
    AME is reviewed twice a year as part of the Budget and Pre-Budget Report process reflecting the close integration of the tax and benefit system, which was enhanced by the introduction of tax credits.
    AME is not subject to the same three year expenditure limits as DEL, but is still part of the overall envelope for public expenditure. Affordability is taken into account when policy decisions affecting AME are made. The Government has committed itself not to take policy measures which are likely to have the effect of increasing social security or other elements of AME without taking steps to ensure that the effects of those decisions can be accommodated prudently within the Government's fiscal rules.
    Given an overall envelope for public spending, forecasts of AME affect the level of resources available for DEL spending. Cautious estimates and the AME margin are built in to these AME forecasts and reduce the risk of overspending on AME.
    Together, DEL plus AME sum to Total Managed Expenditure (TME). TME is a measure drawn from national accounts. It represents the current and capital spending of the public sector. The public sector is made up of central government, local government and public corporations.
    Resource and Capital Budgets are set in terms of accruals information. Accruals information measures resources as they are consumed rather than when the cash is paid. So for example the Resource Budget includes a charge for depreciation, a measure of the consumption or wearing out of capital assets.
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    Non cash charges in budgets do not impact directly on the fiscal framework. That may be because the national accounts use a different way of measuring the same thing, for example in the case of the depreciation of departmental assets. Or it may be that the national accounts measure something different: for example, resource budgets include a cost of capital charge reflecting the opportunity cost of holding capital; the national accounts include debt interest.
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    Within the Resource Budget DEL, departments have separate controls on:
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    Near cash spending, the sub set of Resource Budgets which impacts directly on the Golden Rule; and
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    The amount of their Resource Budget DEL that departments may spend on running themselves (e.g. paying most civil servants’ salaries) is limited by Administration Budgets, which are set in Spending Reviews. Administration Budgets are used to ensure that as much money as practicable is available for front line services and programmes. These budgets also help to drive efficiency improvements in departments’ own activities. Administration Budgets exclude the costs of frontline services delivered directly by departments.
    The Budget preceding a Spending Review sets an overall envelope for public spending that is consistent with the fiscal rules for the period covered by the Spending Review. In the Spending Review, the Budget AME forecast for year one of the Spending Review period is updated, and AME forecasts are made for the later years of the Spending Review period.
    The 1998 Comprehensive Spending Review ( CSR), which was published in July 1998, was a comprehensive review of departmental aims and objectives alongside a zero-based analysis of each spending programme to determine the best way of delivering the Government's objectives. The 1998 CSR allocated substantial additional resources to the Government's key priorities, particularly education and health, for the three year period from 1999-2000 to 2001-02.
    Delivering better public services does not just depend on how much money the Government spends, but also on how well it spends it. Therefore the 1998 CSR introduced Public Service Agreements (PSAs). Each major government department was given its own PSA setting out clear targets for achievements in terms of public service improvements.
    The 1998 CSR also introduced the DEL/ AME framework for the control of public spending, and made other framework changes. Building on the investment and reforms delivered by the 1998 CSR, successive spending reviews in 2000, 2002 and 2004 have:
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    provided significant increase in resources for the Government’s priorities, in particular health and education, and cross-cutting themes such as raising productivity; extending opportunity; and building strong and secure communities;
    " "
    enabled the Government significantly to increase investment in public assets and address the legacy of under investment from past decades. Departmental Investment Strategies were introduced in SR2000. As a result there has been a steady increase in public sector net investment from less than ¾ of a per cent of GDP in 1997-98 to 2¼ per cent of GDP in 2005-06, providing better infrastructure across public services;
    " "
    introduced further refinements to the performance management framework. PSA targets have been reduced in number over successive spending reviews from around 300 to 110 to give greater focus to the Government’s highest priorities. The targets have become increasingly outcome-focused to deliver further improvements in key areas of public service delivery across Government. They have also been refined in line with the conclusions of the Devolving Decision Making Review to provide a framework which encourages greater devolution and local flexibility. Technical Notes were introduced in SR2000 explaining how performance against each PSA target will be measured; and
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    not only allocated near cash spending to departments, but also – since SR2002 - set Resource DEL plans for non cash spending.
    To identify what further investments and reforms are needed to equip the UK for the global challenges of the decade ahead, on 19 July 2005 the Chief Secretary to the Treasury announced that the Government intends to launch a second Comprehensive Spending Review (CSR) reporting in 2007.
    A decade on from the first CSR, the 2007 CSR will represent a long-term and fundamental review of government expenditure. It will cover departmental allocations for 2008-09, 2009-10 and 2010 11. Allocations for 2007-08 will be held to the agreed figures already announced by the 2004 Spending Review. To provide a rigorous analytical framework for these departmental allocations, the Government will be taking forward a programme of preparatory work over 2006 involving:
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    an assessment of what the sustained increases in spending and reforms to public service delivery have achieved since the first CSR. The assessment will inform the setting of new objectives for the decade ahead;
    " "
    an examination of the key long-term trends and challenges that will shape the next decade – including demographic and socio-economic change, globalisation, climate and environmental change, global insecurity and technological change – together with an assessment of how public services will need to respond;
    " "
    to release the resources needed to address these challenges, and to continue to secure maximum value for money from public spending over the CSR period, a set of zero-based reviews of departments’ baseline expenditure to assess its effectiveness in delivering the Government’s long-term objectives; together with
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    further development of the efficiency programme, building on the cross cutting areas identified in the Gershon Review, to embed and extend ongoing efficiency savings into departmental expenditure planning.
    The 2007 CSR also offers the opportunity to continue to refine the PSA framework so that it drives effective delivery and the attainment of ambitious national standards.
    Public Service Agreements (PSAs) were introduced in the 1998 CSR. They set out agreed targets detailing the outputs and outcomes departments are expected to deliver with the resources allocated to them. The new spending regime places a strong emphasis on outcome targets, for example in providing for better health and higher educational standards or service standards. The introduction in SR2004 of PSA ‘standards’ will ensure that high standards in priority areas are maintained.
    The Government monitors progress against PSA targets, and departments report in detail twice a year in their annual Departmental Reports (published in spring) and in their autumn performance reports. These reports provide Parliament and the public with regular updates on departments’ performance against their targets.
    Technical Notes explain how performance against each PSA target will be measured.
    To make the most of both new investment and existing assets, there needs to be a coherent long term strategy against which investment decisions are taken. Departmental Investment Strategies (DIS) set out each department's plans to deliver the scale and quality of capital stock needed to underpin its objectives. The DIS includes information about the department's existing capital stock and future plans for that stock, as well as plans for new investment. It also sets out the systems that the department has in place to ensure that it delivers its capital programmes effectively.
    This document was updated on 19 December 2005.
    Near-cash resource expenditure that has a related cash implication, even though the timing of the cash payment may be slightly different. For example, expenditure on gas or electricity supply is incurred as the fuel is used, though the cash payment might be made in arrears on aquarterly basis. Other examples of near-cash expenditure are: pay, rental.Net cash requirement the upper limit agreed by Parliament on the cash which a department may draw from theConsolidated Fund to finance the expenditure within the ambit of its Request forResources. It is equal to the agreed amount of net resources and net capital less non-cashitems and working capital.Non-cash cost costs where there is no cash transaction but which are included in a body’s accounts (or taken into account in charging for a service) to establish the true cost of all the resourcesused.Non-departmental a body which has a role in the processes of government, but is not a government public body, NDPBdepartment or part of one. NDPBs accordingly operate at arm’s length from governmentMinisters.Notional cost of a cost which is taken into account in setting fees and charges to improve comparability with insuranceprivate sector service providers.The charge takes account of the fact that public bodies donot generally pay an insurance premium to a commercial insurer.the independent body responsible for collecting and publishing official statistics about theUK’s society and economy. (At the time of going to print legislation was progressing tochange this body to the Statistics Board).Office of Government an office of the Treasury, with a status similar to that of an agency, which aims to maximise Commerce, OGCthe government’s purchasing power for routine items and combine professional expertiseto bear on capital projects.Office of the the government department responsible for discharging the Paymaster General’s statutoryPaymaster General,responsibilities to hold accounts and make payments for government departments and OPGother public bodies.Orange bookthe informal title for Management of Risks: Principles and Concepts, which is published by theTreasury for the guidance of public sector bodies.Office for NationalStatistics, ONS60Managing Public Money
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    GLOSSARYOverdraftan account with a negative balance.Parliament’s formal agreement to authorise an activity or expenditure.Prerogative powerspowers exercisable under the Royal Prerogative, ie powers which are unique to the Crown,as contrasted with common-law powers which may be available to the Crown on the samebasis as to natural persons.Primary legislationActs which have been passed by the Westminster Parliament and, where they haveappropriate powers, the Scottish Parliament and the Northern Ireland Assembly. Begin asBills until they have received Royal Assent.arrangements under which a public sector organisation contracts with a private sectorentity to construct a facility and provide associated services of a specified quality over asustained period. See annex 7.5.Proprietythe principle that patterns of resource consumption should respect Parliament’s intentions,conventions and control procedures, including any laid down by the PAC. See box 2.4.Public Accountssee Committee of Public Accounts.CommitteePublic corporationa trading body controlled by central government, local authority or other publiccorporation that has substantial day to day operating independence. See section 7.8.Public Dividend finance provided by government to public sector bodies as an equity stake; an alternative to Capital, PDCloan finance.Public Service sets out what the public can expect the government to deliver with its resources. EveryAgreement, PSAlarge government department has PSA(s) which specify deliverables as targets or aimsrelated to objectives.a structured arrangement between a public sector and a private sector organisation tosecure an outcome delivering good value for money for the public sector. It is classified tothe public or private sector according to which has more control.Rate of returnthe financial remuneration delivered by a particular project or enterprise, expressed as apercentage of the net assets employed.Regularitythe principle that resource consumption should accord with the relevant legislation, therelevant delegated authority and this document. See box 2.4.Request for the functional level into which departmental Estimates may be split. RfRs contain a number Resources, RfRof functions being carried out by the department in pursuit of one or more of thatdepartment’s objectives.Resource accountan accruals account produced in line with the Financial Reporting Manual (FReM).Resource accountingthe system under which budgets, Estimates and accounts are constructed in a similar wayto commercial audited accounts, so that both plans and records of expenditure allow in fullfor the goods and services which are to be, or have been, consumed – ie not just the cashexpended.Resource budgetthe means by which the government plans and controls the expenditure of resources tomeet its objectives.Restitutiona legal concept which allows money and property to be returned to its rightful owner. Ittypically operates where another person can be said to have been unjustly enriched byreceiving such monies.Return on capital the ratio of profit to capital employed of an accounting entity during an identified period.employed, ROCEVarious measures of profit and of capital employed may be used in calculating the ratio.Public Privatepartnership, PPPPrivate Finance Initiative, PFIParliamentaryauthority61Managing Public Money
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    GLOSSARYRoyal charterthe document setting out the powers and constitution of a corporation established underprerogative power of the monarch acting on Privy Council advice.Second readingthe second formal time that a House of Parliament may debate a bill, although in practicethe first substantive debate on its content. If successful, it is deemed to denoteParliamentary approval of the principle of the proposed legislation.Secondary legislationlaws, including orders and regulations, which are made using powers in primary legislation.Normally used to set out technical and administrative provision in greater detail thanprimary legislation, they are subject to a less intense level of scrutiny in Parliament.European legislation is,however,often implemented in secondary legislation using powers inthe European Communities Act 1972.Service-level agreement between parties, setting out in detail the level of service to be performed.agreementWhere agreements are between central government bodies, they are not legally a contractbut have a similar function.Shareholder Executive a body created to improve the government’s performance as a shareholder in businesses.Spending reviewsets out the key improvements in public services that the public can expect over a givenperiod. It includes a thorough review of departmental aims and objectives to find the bestway of delivering the government’s objectives, and sets out the spending plans for the givenperiod.State aidstate support for a domestic body or company which could distort EU competition and sois not usually allowed. See annex 4.9.Statement of Excessa formal statement detailing departments’ overspends prepared by the Comptroller andAuditor General as a result of undertaking annual audits.Statement on Internal an annual statement that Accounting Officers are required to make as part of the accounts Control, SICon a range of risk and control issues.Subheadindividual elements of departmental expenditure identifiable in Estimates as single cells, forexample cell A1 being administration costs within a particular line of departmental spending.Supplyresources voted by Parliament in response to Estimates, for expenditure by governmentdepartments.Supply Estimatesa statement of the resources the government needs in the coming financial year, and forwhat purpose(s), by which Parliamentary authority is sought for the planned level ofexpenditure and income.Target rate of returnthe rate of return required of a project or enterprise over a given period, usually at least a year.Third sectorprivate sector bodies which do not act commercially,including charities,social and voluntaryorganisations and other not-for-profit collectives. See annex 7.7.Total Managed a Treasury budgeting term which covers all current and capital spending carried out by the Expenditure,TMEpublic sector (ie not just by central departments).Trading fundan organisation (either within a government department or forming one) which is largely orwholly financed from commercial revenue generated by its activities. Its Estimate shows itsnet impact, allowing its income from receipts to be devoted entirely to its business.Treasury Minutea formal administrative document drawn up by the Treasury, which may serve a wide varietyof purposes including seeking Parliamentary approval for the use of receipts asappropriations in aid, a remission of some or all of the principal of voted loans, andresponding on behalf of the government to reports by the Public Accounts Committee(PAC).62Managing Public Money
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    GLOSSARY63Managing Public MoneyValue for moneythe process under which organisation’s procurement, projects and processes aresystematically evaluated and assessed to provide confidence about suitability, effectiveness,prudence,quality,value and avoidance of error and other waste,judged for the public sectoras a whole.Virementthe process through which funds are moved between subheads such that additionalexpenditure on one is met by savings on one or more others.Votethe process by which Parliament approves funds in response to supply Estimates.Voted expenditureprovision for expenditure that has been authorised by Parliament. Parliament ‘votes’authority for public expenditure through the Supply Estimates process. Most expenditureby central government departments is authorised in this way.Wider market activity activities undertaken by central government organisations outside their statutory duties,using spare capacity and aimed at generating a commercial profit. See annex 7.6.Windfallmonies received by a department which were not anticipated in the spending review.
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    Англо-русский экономический словарь > near cash

  • 11 Outram, Benjamin

    [br]
    b. 1 April 1764 Alfreton, England
    d. 22 May 1805 London, England
    [br]
    English ironmaster and engineer of canals and tramroads, protagonist of angled plate rails in place of edge rails.
    [br]
    Outram's father was one of the principal promoters of the Cromford Canal, Derbyshire, and Benjamin Outram became Assistant to the canal's Engineer, William Jessop. In 1789 Outram was appointed Superintendent in charge of construction, and his responsibilities included the 2,978 yd (2,723 m) Butterley Tunnel; while the tunnel was being driven, coal and iron ore were encountered. Outram and a partner purchased the Butterley Hall estate above the tunnel and formed Outram \& Co. to exploit the coal and iron: a wide length of the tunnel beneath the company's furnace was linked to the surface by shafts to become in effect an underground wharf. Jessop soon joined the company, which grew and prospered to eventually become the long-lived Butterley Company.
    As a canal engineer, Outram's subsequent projects included the Derby, Huddersfield Narrow and Peak Forest Canals. On the Derby Canal he built a small iron aqueduct, which though designed later than the Longdon Aqueduct of Thomas Telford was opened earlier, in 1796, to become the first iron aqueduct.
    It is as a tramroad engineer that Outram is best known. In 1793 he completed a mile-long (1.6 km) tramroad from Outram \& Co.'s limestone quarry at Crich to the Cromford Canal, for which he used plate rails of the type recently developed by John Curr. He was, however, able to use a wider gauge—3 ft 6 in. (1.07 m) between the flanges—and larger wagons than Curr had been able to use underground in mines. It appears to have been Outram's idea to mount the rails on stone blocks, rather than wooden sleepers.
    Outram then engineered tramroads to extend the lines of the Derby and Peak Forest Canals. He encouraged construction of such tramroads in many parts of Britain, often as feeders of traffic to canals. He acted as Engineer, and his company often provided the rails and sometimes undertook the entire construction of a line. Foreseeing that lines would be linked together, he recommended a gauge of 4 ft 2 in. (1.27 m) between the flanges as standard, and for twenty years or so Outram's plateways, with horses or gravity as motive power, became the usual form of construction for new railways. However, experience then showed that edge rails, weight for weight, could carry greater load, and were indeed almost essential for the introduction of steam locomotives.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    R.B.Schofield, 1986, "The design and construction of the Cromford Canal, 1788–1794", Transactions of the Newcomen Society 57 (provides good coverage of Outram's early career).
    P.J.Riden, 1973, The Butterley Company and railway construction, 1790–1830', Transport History 6(1) (covers Outram's development of tramroads).
    R.A.Mott, 1969, Tramroads of the eighteenth century and their originator: John Curr', Transactions of the Newcomen Society 42.
    "Dowie" (A.R.Cowlishaw, J.H.Price and R.G.P. Tebb), 1971, The Crich Mineral Railways, Crich: Tramway Publications.
    PJGR

    Biographical history of technology > Outram, Benjamin

  • 12 Introduction

       Portugal is a small Western European nation with a large, distinctive past replete with both triumph and tragedy. One of the continent's oldest nation-states, Portugal has frontiers that are essentially unchanged since the late 14th century. The country's unique character and 850-year history as an independent state present several curious paradoxes. As of 1974, when much of the remainder of the Portuguese overseas empire was decolonized, Portuguese society appeared to be the most ethnically homogeneous of the two Iberian states and of much of Europe. Yet, Portuguese society had received, over the course of 2,000 years, infusions of other ethnic groups in invasions and immigration: Phoenicians, Greeks, Celts, Romans, Suevi, Visigoths, Muslims (Arab and Berber), Jews, Italians, Flemings, Burgundian French, black Africans, and Asians. Indeed, Portugal has been a crossroads, despite its relative isolation in the western corner of the Iberian Peninsula, between the West and North Africa, Tropical Africa, and Asia and America. Since 1974, Portugal's society has become less homogeneous, as there has been significant immigration of former subjects from its erstwhile overseas empire.
       Other paradoxes should be noted as well. Although Portugal is sometimes confused with Spain or things Spanish, its very national independence and national culture depend on being different from Spain and Spaniards. Today, Portugal's independence may be taken for granted. Since 1140, except for 1580-1640 when it was ruled by Philippine Spain, Portugal has been a sovereign state. Nevertheless, a recurring theme of the nation's history is cycles of anxiety and despair that its freedom as a nation is at risk. There is a paradox, too, about Portugal's overseas empire(s), which lasted half a millennium (1415-1975): after 1822, when Brazil achieved independence from Portugal, most of the Portuguese who emigrated overseas never set foot in their overseas empire, but preferred to immigrate to Brazil or to other countries in North or South America or Europe, where established Portuguese overseas communities existed.
       Portugal was a world power during the period 1415-1550, the era of the Discoveries, expansion, and early empire, and since then the Portuguese have experienced periods of decline, decadence, and rejuvenation. Despite the fact that Portugal slipped to the rank of a third- or fourth-rate power after 1580, it and its people can claim rightfully an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions that assure their place both in world and Western history. These distinctions should be kept in mind while acknowledging that, for more than 400 years, Portugal has generally lagged behind the rest of Western Europe, although not Southern Europe, in social and economic developments and has remained behind even its only neighbor and sometime nemesis, Spain.
       Portugal's pioneering role in the Discoveries and exploration era of the 15th and 16th centuries is well known. Often noted, too, is the Portuguese role in the art and science of maritime navigation through the efforts of early navigators, mapmakers, seamen, and fishermen. What are often forgotten are the country's slender base of resources, its small population largely of rural peasants, and, until recently, its occupation of only 16 percent of the Iberian Peninsula. As of 1139—10, when Portugal emerged first as an independent monarchy, and eventually a sovereign nation-state, England and France had not achieved this status. The Portuguese were the first in the Iberian Peninsula to expel the Muslim invaders from their portion of the peninsula, achieving this by 1250, more than 200 years before Castile managed to do the same (1492).
       Other distinctions may be noted. Portugal conquered the first overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean in the early modern era and established the first plantation system based on slave labor. Portugal's empire was the first to be colonized and the last to be decolonized in the 20th century. With so much of its scattered, seaborne empire dependent upon the safety and seaworthiness of shipping, Portugal was a pioneer in initiating marine insurance, a practice that is taken for granted today. During the time of Pombaline Portugal (1750-77), Portugal was the first state to organize and hold an industrial trade fair. In distinctive political and governmental developments, Portugal's record is more mixed, and this fact suggests that maintaining a government with a functioning rule of law and a pluralist, representative democracy has not been an easy matter in a country that for so long has been one of the poorest and least educated in the West. Portugal's First Republic (1910-26), only the third republic in a largely monarchist Europe (after France and Switzerland), was Western Europe's most unstable parliamentary system in the 20th century. Finally, the authoritarian Estado Novo or "New State" (1926-74) was the longest surviving authoritarian system in modern Western Europe. When Portugal departed from its overseas empire in 1974-75, the descendants, in effect, of Prince Henry the Navigator were leaving the West's oldest empire.
       Portugal's individuality is based mainly on its long history of distinc-tiveness, its intense determination to use any means — alliance, diplomacy, defense, trade, or empire—to be a sovereign state, independent of Spain, and on its national pride in the Portuguese language. Another master factor in Portuguese affairs deserves mention. The country's politics and government have been influenced not only by intellectual currents from the Atlantic but also through Spain from Europe, which brought new political ideas and institutions and novel technologies. Given the weight of empire in Portugal's past, it is not surprising that public affairs have been hostage to a degree to what happened in her overseas empire. Most important have been domestic responses to imperial affairs during both imperial and internal crises since 1415, which have continued to the mid-1970s and beyond. One of the most important themes of Portuguese history, and one oddly neglected by not a few histories, is that every major political crisis and fundamental change in the system—in other words, revolution—since 1415 has been intimately connected with a related imperial crisis. The respective dates of these historical crises are: 1437, 1495, 1578-80, 1640, 1820-22, 1890, 1910, 1926-30, 1961, and 1974. The reader will find greater detail on each crisis in historical context in the history section of this introduction and in relevant entries.
       LAND AND PEOPLE
       The Republic of Portugal is located on the western edge of the Iberian Peninsula. A major geographical dividing line is the Tagus River: Portugal north of it has an Atlantic orientation; the country to the south of it has a Mediterranean orientation. There is little physical evidence that Portugal is clearly geographically distinct from Spain, and there is no major natural barrier between the two countries along more than 1,214 kilometers (755 miles) of the Luso-Spanish frontier. In climate, Portugal has a number of microclimates similar to the microclimates of Galicia, Estremadura, and Andalusia in neighboring Spain. North of the Tagus, in general, there is an Atlantic-type climate with higher rainfall, cold winters, and some snow in the mountainous areas. South of the Tagus is a more Mediterranean climate, with hot, dry, often rainless summers and cool, wet winters. Lisbon, the capital, which has a fifth of the country's population living in its region, has an average annual mean temperature about 16° C (60° F).
       For a small country with an area of 92,345 square kilometers (35,580 square miles, including the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and the Madeiras), which is about the size of the state of Indiana in the United States, Portugal has a remarkable diversity of regional topography and scenery. In some respects, Portugal resembles an island within the peninsula, embodying a unique fusion of European and non-European cultures, akin to Spain yet apart. Its geography is a study in contrasts, from the flat, sandy coastal plain, in some places unusually wide for Europe, to the mountainous Beira districts or provinces north of the Tagus, to the snow-capped mountain range of the Estrela, with its unique ski area, to the rocky, barren, remote Trás-os-Montes district bordering Spain. There are extensive forests in central and northern Portugal that contrast with the flat, almost Kansas-like plains of the wheat belt in the Alentejo district. There is also the unique Algarve district, isolated somewhat from the Alentejo district by a mountain range, with a microclimate, topography, and vegetation that resemble closely those of North Africa.
       Although Portugal is small, just 563 kilometers (337 miles) long and from 129 to 209 kilometers (80 to 125 miles) wide, it is strategically located on transportation and communication routes between Europe and North Africa, and the Americas and Europe. Geographical location is one key to the long history of Portugal's three overseas empires, which stretched once from Morocco to the Moluccas and from lonely Sagres at Cape St. Vincent to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is essential to emphasize the identity of its neighbors: on the north and east Portugal is bounded by Spain, its only neighbor, and by the Atlantic Ocean on the south and west. Portugal is the westernmost country of Western Europe, and its shape resembles a face, with Lisbon below the nose, staring into the
       Atlantic. No part of Portugal touches the Mediterranean, and its Atlantic orientation has been a response in part to turning its back on Castile and Léon (later Spain) and exploring, traveling, and trading or working in lands beyond the peninsula. Portugal was the pioneering nation in the Atlantic-born European discoveries during the Renaissance, and its diplomatic and trade relations have been dominated by countries that have been Atlantic powers as well: Spain; England (Britain since 1707); France; Brazil, once its greatest colony; and the United States.
       Today Portugal and its Atlantic islands have a population of roughly 10 million people. While ethnic homogeneity has been characteristic of it in recent history, Portugal's population over the centuries has seen an infusion of non-Portuguese ethnic groups from various parts of Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. Between 1500 and 1800, a significant population of black Africans, brought in as slaves, was absorbed in the population. And since 1950, a population of Cape Verdeans, who worked in menial labor, has resided in Portugal. With the influx of African, Goan, and Timorese refugees and exiles from the empire—as many as three quarters of a million retornados ("returned ones" or immigrants from the former empire) entered Portugal in 1974 and 1975—there has been greater ethnic diversity in the Portuguese population. In 2002, there were 239,113 immigrants legally residing in Portugal: 108,132 from Africa; 24,806 from Brazil; 15,906 from Britain; 14,617 from Spain; and 11,877 from Germany. In addition, about 200,000 immigrants are living in Portugal from eastern Europe, mainly from Ukraine. The growth of Portugal's population is reflected in the following statistics:
       1527 1,200,000 (estimate only)
       1768 2,400,000 (estimate only)
       1864 4,287,000 first census
       1890 5,049,700
       1900 5,423,000
       1911 5,960,000
       1930 6,826,000
       1940 7,185,143
       1950 8,510,000
       1960 8,889,000
       1970 8,668,000* note decrease
       1980 9,833,000
       1991 9,862,540
       1996 9,934,100
       2006 10,642,836
       2010 10,710,000 (estimated)

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Introduction

  • 13 meet

    1. transitive verb,
    1) (come face to face with or into the company of) treffen

    I have to meet my boss at 11 a.m. — ich habe um 11 Uhr einen Termin beim Chef

    arrange to meet somebody — sich mit jemandem verabreden

    2) (go to place of arrival of) treffen; (collect) abholen

    I'll meet your train — ich hole dich vom Zug ab

    meet somebody halfway — (fig.) jemandem [auf halbem Wege] entgegenkommen

    3) (make the acquaintance of) kennen lernen

    pleased to meet you — [sehr] angenehm; sehr erfreut

    4) (reach point of contact with) treffen auf (+ Akk.)

    meet the eye/somebody's eye[s] — sich den/jemandes Blicken darbieten

    meet the ear/somebody's ears — das/jemandes Ohr treffen

    there's more to it than meets the eye — da ist od. steckt mehr dahinter, als man zuerst denkt

    5) (experience) stoßen auf (+ Akk.) [Widerstand, Problem]; ernten [Gelächter, Drohungen]

    meet [one's] death or one's end/disaster/one's fate — den Tod finden (geh.) /von einer Katastrophe/seinem Schicksal ereilt werden (geh.)

    6) (satisfy) entsprechen (+ Dat.) [Forderung, Wunsch]; einhalten [Termin, Zeitplan]
    7) (pay) decken [Kosten, Auslagen]; bezahlen [Rechnung]
    2. intransitive verb,
    1) (come face to face) (by chance) sich (Dat.) begegnen; (by arrangement) sich treffen
    2) (assemble) [Komitee, Ausschuss usw.:] tagen
    3) (come together) [Bahnlinien, Straßen usw.:] aufeinander treffen; [Flüsse] zusammenfließen
    Phrasal Verbs:
    - academic.ru/89078/meet_up">meet up
    * * *
    [mi:t] 1. past tense, past participle - met; verb
    1) (to come face to face with (eg a person whom one knows), by chance: She met a man on the train.) treffen
    2) ((sometimes, especially American, with with) to come together with (a person etc), by arrangement: The committee meets every Monday.) zusammenkommen
    3) (to be introduced to (someone) for the first time: Come and meet my wife.) kennenlernen
    4) (to join: Where do the two roads meet?) sich schneiden
    5) (to be equal to or satisfy (eg a person's needs, requirements etc): Will there be sufficient stocks to meet the public demand?) gerecht werden
    6) (to come into the view, experience or presence of: A terrible sight met him / his eyes when he opened the door.) (ins Auge) fallen, treffen auf
    7) (to come to or be faced with: He met his death in a car accident.) finden, gegenübertreten
    8) ((with with) to experience or suffer; to receive a particular response: She met with an accident; The scheme met with their approval.) erleiden, stoßen auf
    9) (to answer or oppose: We will meet force with greater force.) erwidern
    2. noun
    (a gathering, especially of sportsmen: The local huntsmen are holding a meet this week.) die Jagdgesellschaft
    - meeting
    - meet someone halfway
    - meet halfway
    * * *
    [mi:t]
    I. n
    1. (sporting event) Sportveranstaltung f
    2. BRIT (fox hunt) Jagdtreffen nt (zur Fuchsjagd)
    3. COMPUT Und-/Oder-Funktion f
    II. vt
    <met, met>
    1. (by chance)
    ▪ to \meet sb jdn treffen
    I met her in the street ich bin ihr auf der Straße begegnet
    I happened to \meet him ich habe ihn zufällig getroffen
    our car met another car on the narrow road auf der engen Straße kam unserem Auto ein anderes entgegen
    to \meet sb face to face jdm persönlich begegnen
    ▪ to \meet sb sich akk mit jdm treffen
    \meet me in front of the library at five warte um fünf vor der Bibliothek auf mich
    I arranged to \meet her on Thursday ich verabredete mich mit ihr für Donnerstag
    ▪ to \meet sb jdn abholen
    I went to the airport to \meet my brother ich fuhr zum Flughafen, um meinen Bruder abzuholen
    a bus \meets every train zu jedem Zug gibt es einen Anschlussbus
    ▪ to \meet sb jdn kennenlernen
    I'd like you to \meet my best friend Betty ich möchte dir meine beste Freundin Betty vorstellen
    Frank, \meet Dorothy Frank, darf ich dir Dorothy vorstellen?
    [it's] a pleasure to \meet you sehr erfreut, Sie kennenzulernen
    I've never met anyone quite like her ich habe noch nie so jemanden wie sie getroffen
    ▪ to \meet sth auf etw akk treffen
    his eyes met hers ihre Blicke trafen sich
    I met his gaze ich hielt seinem Blick stand
    it's where Front Street \meets Queen Street es ist da, wo die Front Street auf die Queen Street stößt
    where the mountains \meet the sea wo das Meer an die Berge heranreicht
    to \meet sb's glance jds Blick erwidern
    6. (fulfil)
    ▪ to \meet sth etw erfüllen
    to \meet the cost of sth die Kosten für etw akk übernehmen
    to \meet a deadline einen Termin einhalten
    to \meet [the] demand die Nachfrage befriedigen
    to \meet sb's expenses für jds Kosten aufkommen
    to \meet an obligation einer Verpflichtung nachkommen
    ▪ to \meet sth etw dat entgegentreten
    they had to \meet the threat posed by the Austrians sie mussten auf die Bedrohung durch die Österreicher reagieren
    to \meet a challenge sich akk einer Herausforderung stellen
    to \meet objections Einwände widerlegen
    ▪ to \meet sth mit etw dat konfrontiert sein
    these are the kind of difficulties you \meet on the road to success dies sind die Schwierigkeiten, die dir auf dem Weg zum Erfolg begegnen
    the troops met stiff opposition die Truppen stießen auf starke Gegenwehr
    9. (fight)
    ▪ to \meet sb SPORT auf jdn treffen, gegen jdn antreten; MIL gegen jdn kämpfen
    to \meet an enemy in battle einem Feind in der Schlacht begegnen
    10.
    ▶ to \meet danger head on sich dat der Gefahr stellen
    ▶ to \meet one's death den Tod finden
    ▶ to go to \meet one's maker das Zeitliche segnen
    ▶ to \meet sb halfway jdm auf halbem Weg entgegenkommen
    ▶ to make ends \meet über die Runden kommen
    ▶ to \meet one's match seinen Meister finden
    ▶ there's more to this than \meets the eye es steckt mehr dahinter, als es den Anschein hat
    ▶ to \meet one's Waterloo BRIT sein Waterloo erleben
    III. vi
    <met, met>
    1. (by chance) sich dat begegnen
    we met in the street wir sind uns auf der Straße begegnet
    2. (by arrangement) sich akk treffen
    to \meet for a drink/for lunch sich akk auf einen Drink/zum Mittagessen treffen
    3. (get acquainted) sich akk kennenlernen
    no, we haven't met nein, wir kennen uns noch nicht
    I've mistrusted him from the day we met ich habe ihm vom ersten Tag [unserer Bekanntschaft] an misstraut
    4. (congregate) zusammenkommen
    Congress will \meet next week der Kongress wird nächsten Monat tagen
    the children's club \meets every Thursday afternoon der Kinderklub trifft sich jeden Donnerstagnachmittag
    the committee is \meeting to discuss the issue tomorrow der Ausschuss tritt morgen zusammen, um über die Frage zu beraten
    5. SPORT aufeinandertreffen, gegeneinander antreten
    6. (join) zusammentreffen; roads, lines zusammenlaufen; counties, states aneinandergrenzen
    the curtains don't \meet die Vorhänge gehen nicht zusammen
    their hands met under the table ihre Hände begegneten sich unter dem Tisch
    our eyes met unsere Blicke trafen sich
    their lips met in a passionate kiss ihre Lippen trafen sich zu einem leidenschaftlichen Kuss
    * * *
    I [miːt]
    adj (obs)
    geziemend (liter)

    it is meet that... — es ist billig or (ge)ziemt sich (liter, old), dass...

    II [miːt] vb: pret, ptp met
    1. vt
    1) (= encounter) person treffen, begegnen (+dat); (by arrangement) treffen, sich treffen mit; difficulty stoßen auf (+acc); (SPORT) treffen auf (+acc)

    he met his guests at the door —

    he met him in a duel — er duellierte sich mit ihm

    he met his death in 1800 —

    the last time the two teams met there was a riot — bei der letzten Begegnung zwischen beiden Teams kam es zu heftigen Auseinandersetzungen

    there's more to it than meets the eye — da steckt mehr dahinter, als man auf den ersten Blick meint

    2) (= get to know) kennenlernen; (= be introduced to) bekannt gemacht werden mit

    you don't know him? come and meet him — du kennst ihn nicht? komm, ich mache dich mit ihm bekannt

    pleased to meet you! — guten Tag/Abend, sehr angenehm! (form)

    3) (= await arrival, collect) abholen (at an +dat, von); (= connect with) train, boat etc Anschluss haben an (+acc)

    I'll meet your train —

    the car will meet the train — der Wagen wartet am Bahnhof or steht am Bahnhof bereit

    4) (= join, run into) treffen or stoßen auf (+acc); (= converge with) sich vereinigen mit; (river) münden or fließen in (+acc); (= intersect) schneiden; (= touch) berühren
    5) expectations, target, obligations, deadline erfüllen; requirement, demand, wish entsprechen (+dat), gerecht werden (+dat); deficit, expenses, needs decken; debt bezahlen, begleichen; charge, objection, criticism begegnen (+dat)
    2. vi
    1) (= encounter) (people) sich begegnen; (by arrangement) sich treffen; (society, committee etc) zusammenkommen, tagen; (SPORT) aufeinandertreffen; (in duel) sich duellieren

    keep it until we meet again — behalten Sie es, bis wir uns mal wiedersehen

    until we meet again! — bis zum nächsten Mal!

    2) (= become acquainted) sich kennenlernen; (= be introduced) bekannt gemacht werden

    haven't we met before somewhere? — sind wir uns nicht schon mal begegnet?, kennen wir uns nicht irgendwoher?

    3) (= join) sich treffen, aufeinanderstoßen; (= converge) sich vereinigen; (rivers) ineinanderfließen; (= intersect) sich schneiden; (= touch) sich berühren; (fig = come together) sich treffen
    3. n (Brit HUNT)
    Jagd(veranstaltung) f; (US) (ATHLETICS) Sportfest nt; (SWIMMING) Schwimmfest nt
    * * *
    meet [miːt]
    A v/t prät und pperf met [met]
    1. a) begegnen (dat), zusammentreffen mit, treffen (auf akk), antreffen:
    meet each other einander begegnen, sich treffen;
    well met obs schön, dass wir uns treffen!
    b) treffen, sich treffen mit
    2. jemanden kennenlernen:
    when I first met him als ich seine Bekanntschaft machte, als ich ihn kennenlernte;
    pleased to meet you umg sehr erfreut(, Sie kennenzulernen)!;
    meet Mr. Brown bes US darf ich Ihnen Herrn Brown vorstellen?
    3. jemanden abholen:
    meet sb at the station, meet sb off the train, meet sb’s train jemanden von der Bahn oder vom Bahnhof abholen;
    be met abgeholt oder empfangen werden;
    come (go) to meet sb jemandem entgegenkommen (-gehen)
    4. → halfway B 1
    5. gegenübertreten (dat) (auch fig)
    6. (feindlich) zusammentreffen oder -stoßen mit, begegnen (dat), SPORT auch antreten gegen, auf einen Gegner treffen: → fate 2
    7. fig entgegentreten (dat):
    a) einer Sache abhelfen
    b) Schwierigkeiten überwinden, ein Problem lösen, fertig werden mit, Herr werden (gen):
    meet the competition der Konkurrenz begegnen
    c) Einwände widerlegen, entgegnen auf (akk)
    8. fig (an)treffen, finden, erfahren
    9. POL sich dem Parlament vorstellen (neue Regierung)
    10. a) berühren
    b) münden in (akk) (Straße etc)
    c) stoßen oder treffen auf (akk):
    meet sb’s eye jemandem ins Auge fallen oder auffallen;
    she met his eyes ihre Blicke trafen sich;
    meet sb’s eyes jemandem in die Augen sehen;
    meet the eye auffallen;
    11. versammeln (besonders passiv):
    be met sich zusammengefunden haben, beisammen sein
    12. den Anforderungen etc entsprechen, gerecht werden (dat), übereinstimmen mit, Bedarf, Nachfrage etc decken:
    the supply meets the demand das Angebot entspricht der Nachfrage;
    be well met gut zusammenpassen;
    that won’t meet my case das löst mein Problem nicht, damit komme ich nicht weiter
    13. jemandes Wünschen entgegenkommen oder entsprechen, eine Forderung erfüllen, einen Termin einhalten, einer Verpflichtung nachkommen, Unkosten bestreiten oder decken, eine Rechnung begleichen:
    a) einer Forderung nachkommen,
    b) eine Nachfrage befriedigen;
    meet sb’s expenses jemandes Auslagen decken;
    meet a bill WIRTSCH einen Wechsel honorieren
    B v/i
    1. zusammenkommen, -treffen, -treten, sich versammeln, tagen
    2. sich begegnen, sich (auch verabredungsgemäß) treffen:
    their eyes met ihre Blicke trafen sich;
    we have met (before) wir kennen uns schon;
    have we met before? kennen wir uns?;
    meet again sich wiedersehen
    3. (feindlich) zusammenstoßen, aneinandergeraten, SPORT aufeinandertreffen, sich begegnen (Gegner)
    4. sich kennenlernen
    5. a) sich vereinigen (Straßen etc)
    b) sich berühren, in Berührung kommen (auch Interessen etc)
    6. genau zusammentreffen oder -stimmen oder -passen, sich decken:
    this skirt does not meet dieser Rock ist zu eng oder geht nicht zu; → end Bes Redew
    a) zusammentreffen mit,
    b) sich treffen mit,
    c) (an)treffen, finden, (zufällig) stoßen auf (akk),
    d) erleben, erleiden, erfahren, betroffen oder befallen werden von, erhalten, bekommen:
    meet with an accident einen Unfall erleiden oder haben, verunglücken;
    meet with (sb’s) approval (jemandes) Billigung oder Beifall finden;
    meet with a refusal auf Ablehnung stoßen;
    meet with success Erfolg haben;
    meet with a kind reception freundlich aufgenommen werden
    C s
    1. besonders US
    a) Treffen n (von Zügen etc)
    b) → meeting 6 b
    2. JAGD besonders Br
    a) Jagdtreffen n (zur Fuchsjagd)
    b) Jagdgesellschaft f
    c) Sammelplatz m
    D adj obs
    1. passend
    2. angemessen, geziemend:
    it is meet that … es schickt sich, dass …
    * * *
    1. transitive verb,

    I have to meet my boss at 11 a.m. — ich habe um 11 Uhr einen Termin beim Chef

    meet somebody halfway — (fig.) jemandem [auf halbem Wege] entgegenkommen

    pleased to meet you — [sehr] angenehm; sehr erfreut

    4) (reach point of contact with) treffen auf (+ Akk.)

    meet the eye/somebody's eye[s] — sich den/jemandes Blicken darbieten

    meet the ear/somebody's ears — das/jemandes Ohr treffen

    there's more to it than meets the eye — da ist od. steckt mehr dahinter, als man zuerst denkt

    5) (experience) stoßen auf (+ Akk.) [Widerstand, Problem]; ernten [Gelächter, Drohungen]

    meet [one's] death or one's end/disaster/one's fate — den Tod finden (geh.) /von einer Katastrophe/seinem Schicksal ereilt werden (geh.)

    6) (satisfy) entsprechen (+ Dat.) [Forderung, Wunsch]; einhalten [Termin, Zeitplan]
    7) (pay) decken [Kosten, Auslagen]; bezahlen [Rechnung]
    2. intransitive verb,
    1) (come face to face) (by chance) sich (Dat.) begegnen; (by arrangement) sich treffen
    2) (assemble) [Komitee, Ausschuss usw.:] tagen
    3) (come together) [Bahnlinien, Straßen usw.:] aufeinander treffen; [Flüsse] zusammenfließen
    Phrasal Verbs:
    * * *
    adj.
    begegnen adj.
    entsprechen adj. v.
    (§ p.,p.p.: met)
    = begegnen (+Dat.) v.
    begegnen v.
    sich treffen v.
    sich versammeln v.
    treffen v.
    (§ p.,pp.: traf, getroffen)

    English-german dictionary > meet

  • 14 Spain

       Portugal's independence and sovereignty as a nation-state are based on being separate from Spain. Achieving this on a peninsula where its only landward neighbor, Spain, is stronger, richer, larger, and more populous, raises interesting historical questions. Considering the disparity in size of population alone — Spain (as of 2000) had a population of 40 million, whereas Portugal's population numbered little over 10 million—how did Portugal maintain its sometimes precarious independence? If the Basques, Catalans, and Galicians succumbed to Castilian military and political dominance and were incorporated into greater Spain, how did little Portugal manage to survive the "Spanish menace?" A combination of factors enabled Portugal to keep free of Spain, despite the era of "Babylonian Captivity" (1580-1640). These include an intense Portuguese national spirit; foreign assistance in staving off Spanish invasions and attacks between the late 14th century and the mid l9th century, principally through the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance and some assistance from France; historical circumstances regarding Spain's own trials and tribulations and decline in power after 1600.
       In Portugal's long history, Castile and Leon (later "Spain," as unified in the 16th century) acted as a kind of Iberian mother and stepmother, present at Portugal's birth as well as at times when Portuguese independence was either in danger or lost. Portugal's birth as a separate state in the 12th century was in part a consequence of the king of Castile's granting the "County of Portucale" to a transplanted Burgundian count in the late 11th century. For centuries Castile, Leon, Aragon, and Portugal struggled for supremacy on the peninsula, until the Castilian army met defeat in 1385 at the battle of Aljubarrota, thus assuring Portugal's independence for nearly two centuries. Portugal and its overseas empire suffered considerably under rule by Phillipine Spain (1580-1640). Triumphant in the War of Restoration against Spain (1640-68), Portugal came to depend on its foreign alliances to provide a counterweight to a still menacing kindred neighbor. Under the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance, England (later Great Britain) managed to help Portugal thwart more than a few Spanish invasion threats in the next centuries. Rumors and plots of Spain consuming Portugal continued during the 19th century and even during the first Portuguese republic's early years to 1914.
       Following difficult diplomatic relations during Spain's subsequent Second Republic (1931-36) and civil war (1936-39), Luso-Span-ish relations improved significantly under the authoritarian regimes that ruled both states until the mid-1970s. Portugal's prime minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar and Spain's generalissimo Francisco Franco signed nonaggression and other treaties, lent each other mutual support, and periodically consulted one another on vital questions. During this era (1939-74), there were relatively little trade, business, and cultural relations between the two neighbors, who mainly tended to ignore one another. Spain's economy developed more rapidly than Portugal's after 1950, and General Franco was quick to support the Estado Novo across the frontier if he perceived a threat to his fellow dictator's regime. In January 1962, for instance, Spanish army units approached the Portuguese frontier in case the abortive military coup at Beja (where a Portuguese oppositionist plot failed) threatened the Portuguese dictatorship.
       Since Portugal's Revolution of 25 April 1974, and the death of General Franco and the establishment of democracy in Spain (1975-78), Luso-Spanish relations have improved significantly. Portugal has experienced a great deal of Spanish investment, tourism, and other economic activities, since both Spain and Portugal became members of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1986.
       Yet, Portugal's relations with Spain have become closer still, with increased integration in the European Union. Portugal remains determined not to be confused with Spain, and whatever threat from across the frontier exists comes more from Spanish investment than from Spanish winds, marriages, and armies. The fact remains that Luso-Spanish relations are more open and mutually beneficial than perhaps at any other time in history.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Spain

  • 15 Salazar, Antônio de Oliveira

    (1889-1970)
       The Coimbra University professor of finance and economics and one of the founders of the Estado Novo, who came to dominate Western Europe's longest surviving authoritarian system. Salazar was born on 28 April 1889, in Vimieiro, Beira Alta province, the son of a peasant estate manager and a shopkeeper. Most of his first 39 years were spent as a student, and later as a teacher in a secondary school and a professor at Coimbra University's law school. Nine formative years were spent at Viseu's Catholic Seminary (1900-09), preparing for the Catholic priesthood, but the serious, studious Salazar decided to enter Coimbra University instead in 1910, the year the Braganza monarchy was overthrown and replaced by the First Republic. Salazar received some of the highest marks of his generation of students and, in 1918, was awarded a doctoral degree in finance and economics. Pleading inexperience, Salazar rejected an invitation in August 1918 to become finance minister in the "New Republic" government of President Sidónio Pais.
       As a celebrated academic who was deeply involved in Coimbra University politics, publishing works on the troubled finances of the besieged First Republic, and a leader of Catholic organizations, Sala-zar was not as modest, reclusive, or unknown as later official propaganda led the public to believe. In 1921, as a Catholic deputy, he briefly served in the First Republic's turbulent congress (parliament) but resigned shortly after witnessing but one stormy session. Salazar taught at Coimbra University as of 1916, and continued teaching until April 1928. When the military overthrew the First Republic in May 1926, Salazar was offered the Ministry of Finance and held office for several days. The ascetic academic, however, resigned his post when he discovered the degree of disorder in Lisbon's government and when his demands for budget authority were rejected.
       As the military dictatorship failed to reform finances in the following years, Salazar was reinvited to become minister of finances in April 1928. Since his conditions for acceptance—authority over all budget expenditures, among other powers—were accepted, Salazar entered the government. Using the Ministry of Finance as a power base, following several years of successful financial reforms, Salazar was named interim minister of colonies (1930) and soon garnered sufficient prestige and authority to become head of the entire government. In July 1932, Salazar was named prime minister, the first civilian to hold that post since the 1926 military coup.
       Salazar gathered around him a team of largely academic experts in the cabinet during the period 1930-33. His government featured several key policies: Portuguese nationalism, colonialism (rebuilding an empire in shambles), Catholicism, and conservative fiscal management. Salazar's government came to be called the Estado Novo. It went through three basic phases during Salazar's long tenure in office, and Salazar's role underwent changes as well. In the early years (1928-44), Salazar and the Estado Novo enjoyed greater vigor and popularity than later. During the middle years (1944—58), the regime's popularity waned, methods of repression increased and hardened, and Salazar grew more dogmatic in his policies and ways. During the late years (1958-68), the regime experienced its most serious colonial problems, ruling circles—including Salazar—aged and increasingly failed, and opposition burgeoned and grew bolder.
       Salazar's plans for stabilizing the economy and strengthening social and financial programs were shaken with the impact of the civil war (1936-39) in neighboring Spain. Salazar strongly supported General Francisco Franco's Nationalist rebels, the eventual victors in the war. But, as the civil war ended and World War II began in September 1939, Salazar's domestic plans had to be adjusted. As Salazar came to monopolize Lisbon's power and authority—indeed to embody the Estado Novo itself—during crises that threatened the future of the regime, he assumed ever more key cabinet posts. At various times between 1936 and 1944, he took over the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and of War (Defense), until the crises passed. At the end of the exhausting period of World War II, there were rumors that the former professor would resign from government and return to Coimbra University, but Salazar continued as the increasingly isolated, dominating "recluse of São Bento," that part of the parliament's buildings housing the prime minister's offices and residence.
       Salazar dominated the Estado Novo's government in several ways: in day-to-day governance, although this diminished as he delegated wider powers to others after 1944, and in long-range policy decisions, as well as in the spirit and image of the system. He also launched and dominated the single party, the União Nacional. A lifelong bachelor who had once stated that he could not leave for Lisbon because he had to care for his aged mother, Salazar never married, but lived with a beloved housekeeper from his Coimbra years and two adopted daughters. During his 36-year tenure as prime minister, Salazar engineered the important cabinet reshuffles that reflect the history of the Estado Novo and of Portugal.
       A number of times, in connection with significant events, Salazar decided on important cabinet officer changes: 11 April 1933 (the adoption of the Estado Novo's new 1933 Constitution); 18 January 1936 (the approach of civil war in Spain and the growing threat of international intervention in Iberian affairs during the unstable Second Spanish Republic of 1931-36); 4 September 1944 (the Allied invasion of Europe at Normandy and the increasing likelihood of a defeat of the Fascists by the Allies, which included the Soviet Union); 14 August 1958 (increased domestic dissent and opposition following the May-June 1958 presidential elections in which oppositionist and former regime stalwart-loyalist General Humberto Delgado garnered at least 25 percent of the national vote, but lost to regime candidate, Admiral Américo Tomás); 13 April 1961 (following the shock of anticolonial African insurgency in Portugal's colony of Angola in January-February 1961, the oppositionist hijacking of a Portuguese ocean liner off South America by Henrique Galvão, and an abortive military coup that failed to oust Salazar from office); and 19 August 1968 (the aging of key leaders in the government, including the now gravely ill Salazar, and the defection of key younger followers).
       In response to the 1961 crisis in Africa and to threats to Portuguese India from the Indian government, Salazar assumed the post of minister of defense (April 1961-December 1962). The failing leader, whose true state of health was kept from the public for as long as possible, appointed a group of younger cabinet officers in the 1960s, but no likely successors were groomed to take his place. Two of the older generation, Teotónio Pereira, who was in bad health, and Marcello Caetano, who preferred to remain at the University of Lisbon or in private law practice, remained in the political wilderness.
       As the colonial wars in three African territories grew more costly, Salazar became more isolated from reality. On 3 August 1968, while resting at his summer residence, the Fortress of São João do Estoril outside Lisbon, a deck chair collapsed beneath Salazar and his head struck the hard floor. Some weeks later, as a result, Salazar was incapacitated by a stroke and cerebral hemorrhage, was hospitalized, and became an invalid. While hesitating to fill the power vacuum that had unexpectedly appeared, President Tomás finally replaced Salazar as prime minister on 27 September 1968, with his former protégé and colleague, Marcello Caetano. Salazar was not informed that he no longer headed the government, but he never recovered his health. On 27 July 1970, Salazar died in Lisbon and was buried at Santa Comba Dão, Vimieiro, his village and place of birth.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Salazar, Antônio de Oliveira

  • 16 Churchward, George Jackson

    [br]
    b. 31 January 1857 Stoke Gabriel, Devon, England
    d. 19 December 1933 Swindon, Wiltshire, England
    [br]
    English mechanical engineer who developed for the Great Western Railway a range of steam locomotives of the most advanced design of its time.
    [br]
    Churchward was articled to the Locomotive Superintendent of the South Devon Railway in 1873, and when the South Devon was absorbed by the Great Western Railway in 1876 he moved to the latter's Swindon works. There he rose by successive promotions to become Works Manager in 1896, and in 1897 Chief Assistant to William Dean, who was Locomotive Carriage and Wagon Superintendent, in which capacity Churchward was allowed extensive freedom of action. Churchward eventually succeeded Dean in 1902: his title changed to Chief Mechanical Engineer in 1916.
    In locomotive design, Churchward adopted the flat-topped firebox invented by A.J.Belpaire of the Belgian State Railways and added a tapered barrel to improve circulation of water between the barrel and the firebox legs. He designed valves with a longer stroke and a greater lap than usual, to achieve full opening to exhaust. Passenger-train weights had been increasing rapidly, and Churchward produced his first 4–6– 0 express locomotive in 1902. However, he was still developing the details—he had a flair for selecting good engineering practices—and to aid his development work Churchward installed at Swindon in 1904 a stationary testing plant for locomotives. This was the first of its kind in Britain and was based on the work of Professor W.F.M.Goss, who had installed the first such plant at Purdue University, USA, in 1891. For comparison with his own locomotives Churchward obtained from France three 4–4–2 compound locomotives of the type developed by A. de Glehn and G. du Bousquet. He decided against compounding, but he did perpetuate many of the details of the French locomotives, notably the divided drive between the first and second pairs of driving wheels, when he introduced his four-cylinder 4–6–0 (the Star class) in 1907. He built a lone 4–6–2, the Great Bear, in 1908: the wheel arrangement enabled it to have a wide firebox, but the type was not perpetuated because Welsh coal suited narrow grates and 4–6–0 locomotives were adequate for the traffic. After Churchward retired in 1921 his successor, C.B.Collett, was to enlarge the Star class into the Castle class and then the King class, both 4–6–0s, which lasted almost as long as steam locomotives survived in service. In Church ward's time, however, the Great Western Railway was the first in Britain to adopt six-coupled locomotives on a large scale for passenger trains in place of four-coupled locomotives. The 4–6–0 classes, however, were but the most celebrated of a whole range of standard locomotives of advanced design for all types of traffic and shared between them many standardized components, particularly boilers, cylinders and valve gear.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    H.C.B.Rogers, 1975, G.J.Churchward. A Locomotive Biography, London: George Allen \& Unwin (a full-length account of Churchward and his locomotives, and their influence on subsequent locomotive development).
    C.Hamilton Ellis, 1958, Twenty Locomotive Men, Shepperton: Ian Allan, Ch. 20 (a good brief account).
    Sir William Stanier, 1955, "George Jackson Churchward", Transactions of the Newcomen
    Society 30 (a unique insight into Churchward and his work, from the informed viewpoint of his former subordinate who had risen to become Chief Mechanical Engineer of the London, Midland \& Scottish Railway).
    PJGR

    Biographical history of technology > Churchward, George Jackson

  • 17 paperless office

    Gen Mgt
    a workplace in which as much communication and as many procedures as possible have been computerized. The paperless office was predicted in the 1960s. The recent widespread availability of e-mail, the Internet, and word processing, file transfer, and intranet systems means that it is beginning to become achievable for those organizations that wish to pursue it. In a truly paperless office, document storage is on computer rather than in filing cabinets and written communication is not circulated in hard copy but e-mailed. This is largely unattainable, as most people still prefer paper to electronic copy, especially when faced with reading more than one page. Encouraging employees to cut down on paper usage can help achieve environmental management targets, and storing information electronically can lead to greater communication efficiency which may result in competitive advantage.

    The ultimate business dictionary > paperless office

  • 18 Azores Islands

       Atlantic archipelago of nine islands: Terceira, São Miguel, Santa Maria, Corvo, Graciosa, São Jorge, Faial, Pico, and Flores. This autonomous region of Portugal is 9,365 square kilometers (5,821 square miles) in area. First settled in the 1420s by Portuguese and Flemish colonists, the economy of the archipelago passed through various phases. The Azores' main crops in four phases were, in the 15th and 16th centuries, wheat and sugar; in the 17th century, woods; in the 18th and 19th centuries, oranges; and in the 20th century, cattle, dairy products, tobacco, and pineapples.
       Their location some 1,448 kilometers (900 miles) west of Portugal and over 1,769 kilometers (1,100 miles) from the eastern coast of the United States, and on major sea and trade routes, influenced the islands' development. Major themes of their history are isolation, North American influence, neglect by Portugal, and emigration to North America. As of the 19th century, large numbers of Azoreans immigrated to the United States. By the last quarter of the 20th century, statistics suggested, more people of Azorean descent lived in North America than inhabited the still sparely settled islands. Since World War I, when the U.S. Navy maintained a base at Ponta Delgada, São Miguel island, the Azores' society and economy have been influenced by foreign military base activity. In World War II (1943), British forces used an air base (Lajes) on Terceira island, under an agreement with Portugal, and thereafter the United States made a similar arrangement at Santa Maria. From 1951 on, the U.S. administered an air base at Lajes, Terceira, under North Atlantic Treaty Organization auspices. With that, American assistance and military base funds have played an important role in the archipelago's still largely unindustrialized economy.
       Since the 1960s, several Azorean independence movements have emerged, as well as other groups that advocate that the islands become part of the United States. Such movements have been encouraged by the islands' isolation, a troubled economy, and the fact that Portugal has never made developing the islands a major priority. After the fall of the dictatorship in 1974, the democratic Portugal organized new efforts to assist the Azores and, in the 1976 Constitution, the Azores were declared an autonomous region of Portugal with greater rights of self-government and management. In the 1990s, emigration from the Azores to both the United States and Canada continued, although not at the pace of earlier periods. At the same time, hundreds of thousands of overseas Portuguese from the Azores Islands resided in the eastern United States, California, and Canada.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Azores Islands

  • 19 Theater, Portuguese

       There are two types of theater in Portugal: classical or "serious" theater and light theater, or the Theater of Review, largely the Revistas de Lisboa (Lisbon Reviews). Modern theater, mostly but not exclusively centered in Lisbon, experienced an unfortunate impact from official censorship during the Estado Novo (1926-74). Following laws passed in 1927, the government decreed that, as a cultural activity, any theatrical presentations that were judged "offensive in law, in morality and in decent customs" were prohibited. One consequence that derived from the risk of prohibition was that directors and playwrights began to practice self-censorship. This discouraged liberal and experimental theatrical work, weakened commercial investment in theater, and made employment in much theater a risky business, with indifferent public support.
       Despite these political obstacles and the usual risks and difficulties of producing live theater in competition first with emerging cinema and then with television (which began in any case only after 1957), some good theatrical work flourished. Two of the century's greatest repertory actresses, Amélia Rey-Colaço (1898-1990) and Maria Matos (1890-1962), put together talented acting companies and performed well-received classical theater. Two periods witnessed a brief diminution of censorship: following World War II (1945-47) and during Prime Minister Marcello Caetano's government (1968-74). Although Portuguese playwrights also produced comedies and dramas, some of the best productions reached the stage under the authorship of foreign playwrights: Shakespeare, George Bernard Shaw, Arthur Miller, and others.
       A major new phase of Portuguese serious theater began in the 1960s, with the staging of challenging plays by playwrights José Cardoso Pires, Luis Sttau Monteiro, and Bernardo Santareno. Since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, more funds for experimental theater have become available, and government censorship ceased. As in so much of Western European theater, however, the general public tended to favor not plays with serious content but techno-hits that featured foreign imports, including musicals, or homegrown musicals on familiar themes. Nevertheless, after 1974, the theater scene was enlivened, not only in Lisbon, but also in Oporto, Coimbra, and other cities.
       The Theater of Review, or light theater, was introduced to Portugal in the 19th century and was based largely on French models. Adapted to the Portuguese scene, the Lisbon reviews featured pageantry, costume, comic skits, music (including the ever popular fado), dance, and slapstick humor and satire. Despite censorship, its heyday occurred actually during the Estado Novo, before 1968. Of all the performing arts, the Lisbon reviews enjoyed the greatest freedom from official political censorship. Certain periods featured more limited censorship, as cited earlier (1945-47 and 1968-74). The main venue of the Theater of Review was located in central Lisbon's Parque Mayer, an amusement park that featured four review theaters: Maria Vitória, Variedades, Capitólio, and ABC.
       Many actors and stage designers, as well as some musicians, served their apprenticeship in the Lisbon reviews before they moved into film and television. Noted fado singers, the fadistas, and composers plied their trade in Parque Mayer and built popular followings. The subjects of the reviews, often with provocative titles, varied greatly and followed contemporary social, economic, and even political fashion and trends, but audiences especially liked satire directed against convention and custom. If political satire was not passed by the censor in the press or on television, sometimes the Lisbon reviews, by the use of indirection and allegory, could get by with subtle critiques of some personalities in politics and society. A humorous stereotyping of customs of "the people," usually conceived of as Lisbon street people or naive "country bumpkins," was also popular. To a much greater degree than in classical, serious theater, the Lisbon review audiences steadily supported this form of public presentation. But the zenith of this form of theater had been passed by the late 1960s as audiences dwindled, production expenses rose, and film and television offered competition.
       The hopes that governance under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano would bring a new season of freedom of expression in the light theater or serious theater were dashed by 1970-71, as censorship again bore down. With revolution in the offing, change was in the air, and could be observed in a change of review show title. A Lisbon review show title on the eve of the Revolution of 25 April 1974, was altered from: 'To See, to Hear... and Be Quiet" to the suggestive, "To See, to Hear... and to Talk." The review theater experienced several difficult years after 1980, and virtually ceased to exist in Parque Mayer. In the late 1990s, nevertheless, this traditional form of entertainment underwent a gradual revival. Audiences again began to troop to renovated theater space in the amusement park to enjoy once again new lively and humorous reviews, cast for a new century and applied to Portugal today.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Theater, Portuguese

  • 20 Kaplan, Viktor

    [br]
    b. 27 November 1876 Mutz, Austria
    d. 23 August 1834 Unterach, Austria
    [br]
    Austrian engineer, inventor of the Kaplan turbine.
    [br]
    Kaplan was educated at the Realschule in Vienna and went on to the Technische Hochschule to study machine construction, gaining his engineer's diploma in 1900. He spent a year in voluntary service in the Navy before entering Ganz \& Co. at Lebersdorf, where he was engaged in the manufacture of diesel engines. In 1903 he turned to an academic career, first with a professorship in kinematics, theoretical machine studies and machine construction at the Technische Hochschule in Brunn (now Brno). In 1918 he became Professor of Water Turbine Construction, remaining as such until his early retirement for health reasons in 1931.
    Kaplan's first publication on turbines, in 1908, was an extension of work carried out for his doctorate at the Technische Hochschule in Vienna and concerned the Francis-type turbine. Kaplan went on to develop and patent the form of water turbine that came to bear his name. It is a reaction turbine which uses a large flow on a low head and which is made like a ship's propeller with variable-pitch vanes running in a close-fitting casing. Its application was neglected at first, but since the 1920s it has become the basic turbine for most high-powered hydroelectric plant: the turbines have been capable of around 85 per cent efficiency and modern developments have raised this figure still further. Perhaps the most impressive application of the Kaplan turbine and its derivatives is the great tidal-power scheme in the estuary of the Rance by St-Malo in France, completed in 1966. The turbines probably have to meet a greater demand for flexibility than any others, for they must operate at constant speed with variable head, as the tide ebbs and flows.
    LRD

    Biographical history of technology > Kaplan, Viktor

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